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Tracing the History of Shavuos Night Learning

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Tracing the History of Shavuos Night Learning

By Eliezer Brodt

This article will trace some of the earliest sources for the Minhag observed by many to stay up learning Torah throughout the entire night of Shavuos.[1] At the outset I would like to note that the focus of this article will be not be about the exact seder that was learned i.e. Tikun Lel Shavuos.[2]

Different versions of this article originally appeared in the Kulmos Supplement of Mishpacha in 2014 and then in English in 2015. I returned to all this in my doctorate Halachic Commentaries to the Shulchan Aruch on Orach Chayim from Ashkenaz and Poland in the Seventeenth Century.[3] This post contains important additions to some of the earlier versions. One day I hope to update it properly.

That the minhag of staying up on Shavuos night to learn was observed widely in recent history is very clear. For example, the author of a nineteenth-century Lithuanian memoir describes how her brothers would stay up the entire night.[4]

In a memoir about Yeshivas Lomza, the author writes in passing "after staying up the whole night, the whole yeshiva would take part in a milchig kiddush at the Rosh Yeshiva’s house".[5]

Chaim Grade writes: “On the First night of Shavuoth, the lamps in the Beth Medrash and the candelabra were still lit well past midnight. The benches were packed with men from the courtyard and from the neighboring streets who, as the custom on this night, came to study until dawn.”[6] Grade’s books are fiction, but his descriptions are based on life in Vilna.

A bochur describing Shavous in the Mir to his parents in 1938, writes in passing that the bnei hayeshiva had stayed up the whole night learning.[7]

Rav Chaim Stein, Rosh Yeshivah of Telz wrote an incredible World War II diary chronicling his great Mesiras Nefesh for whatever mitzvos he was able to do during that time. He also describes staying up the entire night learning.[8]

Earliest sources

But what are the earliest sources for this practice? It is not mentioned by either R. Yosef Caro or the Rama in Shulchan Aruch’s discussion of the halachos of Shavuos.

One of the earliest printed sources for this custom is a work entitled Sefer Ha-Mussar, authored by Rav Yehudah Kalatz and first printed in 1537, which states that there was a custom to stay up throughout both nights of Shavuos to learn various parts of Tanach and Kabbalah.[9] Today we know that the prior written source for this piece is Rav Dovid ben Rav Yehudah Hachassid.[10] This piece is also printed in the Mateh Moshe of Rav Moshe Meis (1591) without citing its source.[11] In 1558, the Zohar was printed for the first time, and in it we find that "righteous ones" would learn Torah during the entire night of Shavuos.[12] These words of the Zohar are already quoted in two early and important collections of material culled from the Zohar, the Mareh Cohen of Rav Yisachar Katz,[13] first printed in 1588 and in the Yesh Sachir of Rav Yisachar M’Karmintz,[14] first printed in 1609. It is also brought down in important works such as Rav Moshe Makir’s classic Seder HaYom [first printed in 1599],[15] Tikunei Shabbos (1613),[16] Tur Barekes (1650),[17] Heichal Hakodesh (1653)[18] and Sha’arei Tzion (1662).[19]

Who followed this minhag in earlier times?

From the Zohar it appears that this practice is limited to yechidei segulah, select spiritually exalted individuals. This is also how it appears that some sources that quote this Zohar, such as the Heichal Hakodesh, Magen Avraham,[20] Eliyah Rabba[21] and Me’orei Or,[22] understood it.

A number of gedolei Torah themselves wrote of having stayed up learning the whole night of Shavuos. In his Sefer Chizyonos, R' Chaim Vital writes that he stayed up the whole night of Shavuos learning with the Arizal.[23] The Chida writes in the account of his travels[24] and in his autobiographical cheshbon hanefesh of having done so,[25] as does the Aderes.[26]

But other sources seem to have understood that this is a custom to be followed by all. Rav Moshe Makir in his Seder HaYom writes so clearly, and indeed, in a letter he wrote circa 1610 to Poland, Rav Shlumiel of Tzefas describes how everyone stayed up to learn on Shavuos night in keeping with the Seder HaYom.[27] The Shelah Hakadosh also describes how everyone stayed up learning, as did Rav Moshe Prague in a letter written in 1650 describing the scene in Yerushalayim.[28]

Thus, we see that what was originally a minhag only for the very learned evolved in a few decades into a practice observed by the broad masses. One may conjecture that the spread of the minhag occurred due to the fact that some of the seforim that mentioned it were very popular and widely read.

The promise of the Arizal

Another possible catalyst for the popular adoption of this minhag was the promise of the Arizal that "he who stays up the whole night learning will survive the year and not suffer any harm during the entire year." This guarantee first appeared in a work called Shulchan Aruch Shel Ha-Arizal printed in 1650,[29] and was later reprinted in numerous widely-read works such as Sha’arei Tzion and Sefer Zechirah.[30]

Relatedly, R. Yosef Kapach, discussing the observance of this minhag in Teiman, writes that this night is a special time during which the gates of Heaven are open for the acceptance of tefillos. He cites a legend of a woman who was looking outside a window and she asked for her head to be made bigger. When that occurred, she could not get her head back inside through the window. It thus became necessary to feed her for the duration of the Yom Tov by means of a ladder, and it was only after Yom Tov, when the window could be broken, that she was finally extricated.[30]

The Visit of the Magid on Shavous night

Yet another reason this minhag may have become so widespread relates to the Maggid, the Heavenly emissary that would regularly visit the Beis Yosef to teach him Torah. The Shelah Hakadosh quotes from a lengthy letter that Rav Shlomo Alkabetz wrote describing the events of one particular Shavuos night in Tzefas.[32]

Rav Shlomo Alkabetz writes that he and Rav Yosef Caro along with some others in their circle decided to stay up the whole night of Shavuos learning a specific seder limud from Tanach and Mishnayos. At about midnight, a voice was heard emanating from the throat of Rav Yosef Caro praising them for staying up to learn Torah and advising them that it would be even more praiseworthy if they were to do so with a minyan. And, indeed, the next night, the scene was repeated, this time with a minyan present.

This letter was first printed in 1646 in the introduction to the first edition of the Magid Meisharim, which records the teachings that the Magid conveyed through the Beis Yosef. It was then reprinted by the Shelah Hakadosh in 1648[33] and in the very popular and somewhat controversial anonymous work Chemdas Yomim in 1731.[34]These last two sources contributed to widespread knowledge of the story of the Magid of the Beis Yosef, which, in turn, enabled the minhag of learning throughout Shavuos night to become even more popular.

Why doesn't Rav Yosef Caro mention this minhag?

In order to consider some possible reasons for the Rav Yosef Caro’s omission of this minhag from both his Shulchan Aruch and his commentary on the Tur, despite the fact that he was personally told by the Magid about the great importance of remaining awake throughout Shavuos night to learn Torah, it is important to first discuss some issues related to the Magid Meisharim.

Many Gedolim merited visits from Magidim who taught them secrets of Torah, but the most famous person to have been so visited was Rav Yosef Caro. Magid Meisharim, the work that emerged from those visits, is comprised mostly of Kabbalistic teachings, although there is some Halachic discussion there as well. Was that work intended only for Rav Yosef Caro or for the general Jewish populace as well? When there is a contradiction between this work and the Shulchan Aruch, according to which of these works are we to rule?

From the fact that numerous Poskim quote from the Magid Meisharim in their halachic works, it would seem that that at least some of the material was intended for everyone. One famous example concerns eating meat on Rosh Hashanah, which the Magid told Rav Yosef Caro not to do.[35] The Magen Avraham and other poskim bring this down, implying that they felt the halachic material in this work is applicable to the masses.[36] Many other examples this are collected in a series of articles written by Rav Klieres in the Torah journal Tzefunot.[37] However, the Munkatcher Rebbe held that the Magid Meisharim was intended for Rav Yosef Caro alone.[38]

A careful examination of the sefer shows that it also contains many hanhagos, practices that are not mandated by Halacha per se, but are recommended for a righteous person to adopt. Some feel that these pieces were meant for the masses, whereas others are of the opinion that these too were meant only for Rav Yosef Caro to follow.[39] Staying up on Shavuos night could be an example of such an hanhaga.[40] There is no halachic obligation to do so, but, as we have seen, it was widely practiced by righteous people, and sometimes the masses adopt such practices.

However, Rav Yaakov Emden brings from his father, the Chacham Tzvi, that the Magid Meisharim did not influence his halachic rulings in any way.[41] In his siddur, Rav Yaakov Emden writes that it is well-known that the Beis Yosef and Rav Shlomo Alkabetz stayed up Shavuos night and were visited by the voice of the Magid, but that this does not obligate the masses to follow suit.[42]

Based on the above, it becomes understandable why R. Yosef Caro did not cite the custom to stay up on Shavuos night in his halachic works despite knowing very well its importance from his Shavuos night experience with the Magid. As important a practice as it is, in his opinion it was not intended for the broader community.

The principle of Lo BaShamayim Hi and the Magid

In truth, there may well be more to the story of why Rav Yosef Caro did not bring this custom down in his halachic works. The Gemarah in Bava Metzia (59b) sets forth is the principle of "Lo BaShamayim Hi", meaning that the halachic process is not influenced by other-worldly revelations such as a Heavenly voice telling us what to do, or the like.[43] Rav Akiva Yosef Schlesinger uses this axiom to explain why we do not find Rav Yosef Caro bringing anything he learned from the Magid in his Beis Yosef or Shulchan Aruch.[44] This general approach is found by numerous Achronim to dismiss material found in such 'heavenly' works to reach halachic conclusions. To list some: R. Alexander Moshe Lapidus,[45] R. Aron Mi-Pinsk,[46] R' Yitzchack Issac Chaver,[47] and R. Yaakov Emden.[48]

However, the question remains as to why the principle Lo BaShamayim Hi did not prevent various poskim from citing works like that of the Magid in halachic discussions. For example, numerous poskim quote rulings from the Sh’ailos v’Teshuvos Min Hashamayim, in which a rishon collected the responses he received from Heaven in his dreams to questions he had posed before going to sleep.[49]

One possible explanation as to why some poskim cite these works is based on an idea found in the work Seder Mishnah by Rav Zev Wolf Boskovitz.[50] Rav Boskovitz writes that one can rely on such works when their conclusions are not contradicted by anything in Shas.

Other achronim, however, hold that the principle of Lo BaShamayim Hi is applicable under all circumstances and thus, we are not to rely on works like the Magid Meisharim and Sh’ailos v’Teshuvos Min Hashamayim for practical guidancePerhaps, then, Rav Yosef Caro held a similar position as these achronim and for this reason never quotes the Magid in his halachic works.

The Magen Avraham and the Shavuos night minhag

One final point: According to most of the early sources for this Minhag, it is based on Kabbala and was originally intended only for the most learned of the community, but eventually became the minhag of the masses too. However, it is interesting that the Magan Avraham, after quoting the Zohar as the earliest source for this minhag, gives his own reason for it.

He writes, based on the Midrash, that at Har Sinai, the Jews slept during the night before the giving of the Torah, and Hashem had to awaken them. As a form of teshuvah for our ancestors’ lack of zeal and appreciation for the Torah at Har Sinai, we stay up the entire night learning.[51]The Magen Avraham thus turned a Kabbalastically based custom into one with a basis in the revealed Torah.

Moreover, while most of the sources deal with the special seder of learning one is supposed to follow on Shavuos night, the Magan Avraham does not mention such a seder limud, choosing instead to address various halachic questions that arise for those who stay awake through the night, such as the halachos relating to Netilas YadyimBirchas Hatorah, the bracha on the Talis and Kriyas Shema Al Hamitah, thereby further giving a halachic focus to this Kabbalistically rooted minhag. In so doing, the Magen Avraham, a preeminent work on Orach Chaim, may have helped ensure the widespread adoption of the minhag of learning throughout Shavuos night.


[1] There are many collections of material on this subject. The most in depth treatment is that of R. Binyomin Hamberger, Shorshei Minhag Ashkenaz, 3, pp. 268-364. For additional useful material see : Yosef Yahlom, Alei Eyin, pp. 125-146; R' Mordechai Spielman, Tiferes Tzvi, pp. 74-79; Meir Bar-Ilan, Mechkarei Hachag 8 (1997), pp. 28-48; Moshe Chalamish, HaKabbalah Betefilah Uminhag, pp. 595-612; R' Yakov Hillel, Shut Shorshei Hayam, 2:12; Pardes Eliezer, pp. 70-171; Moadim L’simcha 6, pp. 420-448; Rabbi Yitzchak Tessler, P’ninei Minhag, pp. 120-166. See also Herman Pollack, Jewish Folkways in Germanic Lands (1648-1806), pp. 191-192. For a very interesting article connecting this minhag to the availability of coffeesee Elliott Horowitz, 'Coffee, Coffeehouses, and the Nocturnal Rituals of Early Modern Jewry,' AJS Review 14:1 (Spring 1989), pp. 17-46 and Assaf Nabarro, Tikkun from Lurianic Kabbalah to Popular Culture, PhD dissertation, Ben Gurion University 2006, pp. 87.
[2] For this see the sources in note one. See also most recently this article from Eli Stern.
[3] Eliezer Brodt, Halachic Commentaries to the Shulchan Aruch on Orach Chayim from Ashkenaz and Poland in the Seventeenth Century, PhD, Bar Ian University) July 2015, pp.354-360.
[4] Pauline Wengeroff, Memoirs of a Grandmother, 2010, p.150.
[5] See Pirkei Zichronos, (2004), p. 359
[6] Rabbis and Wives, p. 159.
[7] Letters from the Mir, p. 145
[8] Mi-Telz Ad Telz, p.212, 362.
[9] Sefer Hamusar, p. 59a. For information about this work see the introduction to the facsimile edition printed in Jerusalem 1973.
[10] Or Zarua, p. 233, first printed in its entirety from manuscript in 2009. See Chalamish (above, note 1), pp. 596-597; Eliezer Brodt, Halachic Commentaries to the Shulchan Aruch on Orach Chayim from Ashkenaz and Poland in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 355, fn. 117.
[11] Mateh Moshe 3:694.
[12] ZoharEmor p. 88a
[13] Mareh Cohen, p. 117, 280. On this work see Zev Gries, Safrut Hanhaghot, pp. 41-42, 71-75.
[14] Yesh Sachir, p. 33b.
[15] Seder HaYom, p. 183.
[16]
[17] Siman 494.
[18] Heichal Hakodesh, p. 60a.
[19]
[20] Magen Avraham, 494: introduction.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Od LaMoed, p. 33a.
[23] Sefer Chizyonos, 4:17 (end).
[24] Ma’agel Tov, p. 66, 154. See my article in Yeshurun 26 (2012), pp. 853-874 for more about this work.
[25] Sefer HaChida, 2, pp. 534, 538,539,540, 544.
[26] See his Nefesh Dovid, p. 129 [printed in the back of Seder Eliyhau]. In his work Har Hamoriah, he describes a time when he was ill on Erev Shavuos but that evening felt well enough to stay up and learn [first printed in Shnos Dor Vedor, 1. p.125 and then in Har Hamoriah, p. 59].
[27] First printed by Simcha Assaf, Kovetz Al Yad 3, p. 131.
[28] Masos Eretz Yisroel, p.300.
[29]
[30] Sefer Zechirah, p. 258. On this work, see my Likutei Eliezer, pp. 13-25.
[31] Halichos Teiman, p. 32
[32] Shelah, Shavuos, pp. 29b-30a. About this letter see: Rabbi Leopold Greenwald, Harav R' Yosef Caro Uz’mano, pp. 197-199; Tzvi Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, Lawyer and Mystic, pp. 19-21, 108-114; A. Ya’ari, Ta’alumot Sefer, p. 106; Y. Tishbi, Chikrei Kabalah UShlucoseha, 2, pp. 391-393; Dovid Tamar, Mechkarim Betoldot Hayehudim B’Eretz Yisroel, pp.195-196; R' Blau, Kulmos, 100 (2011), p.14,29.
[33] See Chalamish (above note 1), p. 599.
[34] On this work, see my Likutei Eliezer, p. 2.
[35] On this subject see my Likutei Eliezer, pp. 90-100. For a new approach to all this see most recently Eliezer Brodt, "The Relationship of the Magen Avraham to the Work Magid MeisharimYeshurun 35 (2016), pp. 738-787.
[36]
[37] Tzefunot 6 (1990), pp. 79-86; 8 (1990), pp. 23-31; 9 (1991), pp. 25-33.
[38] Nimukei Orach Chaim, 426:1.
[39] See Meir Benayahu, Yosef Bechiri, pp. 396-401; Tzvi Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, Lawyer and MysticSee also Likutei Eliezer, pp. 100-103.
[40] This is not found in the Magid Meisharim that we have today. But the Chida has already written that the sefer that is extant today is only a small part of the original work.
[41] Torat Hakanaot, p. 48a.
[42] Siddur Rav Yaakov Emden, 2, p. 159.
[43] For a very useful summary of material about this, see Encyclopedia Talmudis, 33, pp. 869-882. M. Goldstein, The Assistance of Celestial Bodies in Halachic Decisions, (heb.), PhD dissertation, Bar Ilan University 2004.
[44] Beis Yosef Hachadash, p. 424.
[45] Toras HaGaon R' Alexander Moshe, p. 328.
[46] Tosfos Aron, p. 42a.
[47] Magan Vtzinah, pp. 27b-28a.
[48] Torat Hakanot, p. 48a.
[49] About this work, see Rav Aron Marcus’ and Rav Reuven Margolios introductions to their respective editions of Sh’ailos v’Teshuvos Min Hashamayim. See also E. Kanarfogel, "For its not in Heaven: Dreams as a Determinant of Jewish Law and Practice in Northern Europe During the High Middle Ages," Studies in Medieval Jewish Intellectual and Social History (2012) pp. 111-143; Unpublished lecture of Pinchas Roth, "Questions and Answers from Heaven: Halakhic Diversity in a Medieval Community"; Pinchas Roth, "Responsa from Heaven: Fragments of a New Manuscript of "She’elot u-Teshuvot min ha-Shamayim" from Gerona," Materia Giudaica 15-16 (2010-2011) pp. 555-564; Likutei Eliezer, pp.59-63.
[50] Seder Mishnah, Madah, pp. 113-114.
[51] See the Radal's notes to Pirkei D’Rabi Eliezer, Perek 41: 41-42.

Gems from Rav Herzog’s Archive (Part 1 of 2): Giyus, Professor Lieberman and More

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Gems from Rav Herzog’s Archive (Part 1 of 2):
Giyus, Professor Lieberman and More

By Yaacov Sasson

A tremendous resource that will be of great interest to Seforim Blog’s readers has been made available to the public. The entire archive of the great Rav Yitzchak Eizik Halevi Herzog, Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel, has been scanned and is now available online.[1] The archive contains hundreds of files on a wide range of topics, including Rav Herzog’s Piskei Halacha and Torah novellae, extensive correspondence on Israeli politics, Rav Herzog’s efforts to save Jews of Europe, and much more. Each file is dedicated to a specific topic, and many of these files contain upwards of a hundred pages of material. In short, the archive is a veritable treasure trove, and will be of great interest to those who are students of Torah, Halacha and Jewish history. Much of Rav Herzog’s Torah has been published in his numerous seforim; however, there is a significant amount of unpublished material in the archive. The purpose of this article is to make readers aware of some of the gems found in the archive, in particular the significant unpublished material. I have only begun to look through the vast amount of material that is available, and I am certain that there is much more to be found. The following are a select number of documents and files that I think will be of interest to the Seforim blog’s readers.

Giyus Bnai Yeshivot

The archive contains an entire file dedicated to the always controversial issue of giyus bnai yeshivot, whether yeshiva students ought to be drafted to the army or exempted from the draft.[2] Within this file, there is an approximately 50-page kuntres written by Rav Herzog in 1948, dedicated to a halachic analysis of the topic. To the best of my knowledge, this very significant kuntres was never published, and it does not appear in any of Rav Herzog’s seforim.[3]

Rav Herzog addresses the issue in an extremely thorough manner, and deals with a wide variety of relevant sources and issues, such as the definition of milchemet mitzvah, and the words of the Rambam at the end of Hilchot Shemita VeYovel, among other issues. For example, on page 27, he discusses the possibility of milchemet mitzvah in the absence of a king, and concludes that milchemet mitzvah is still possible if the community of Jews living in Eretz Yisrael approves of the war. On page 12, Rav Herzog suggests, based on a diyuk, that the Rambam’s words at the end of Hilchot Shemita VeYovel exempting talmidei chachamim from waging war do not apply to a war of ezrat yisrael miyad tzar. (A similar reading of the Rambam was suggested by Rav Aharon Lichtenstein, in “The Ideology of Hesder” (Tradition Fall 1981), and was reprinted in Leaves of Faith Volume 1.) Rav Herzog also makes a fascinating contention (on page 2), that the British were the current-day manifestation of Esav, putting forward their split hoof and hypocritically claiming to seek justice, while quietly attempting to undermine the Jewish cause by supporting their enemies. It is obviously not feasible to summarize a 50 page kuntres in a single blog post; I will simply present Rav Herzog’s main conclusion. Rav Herzog suggests (pages 12 and 34) that yeshiva students should not be subject to giyus malei, full conscription, even during wartime. Rather, they should be subject to giyus chelki, partial conscription of a few hours a week, doing what Rav Herzog terms “hishtatfut” in the war effort, such as local shemira and the like.

While this was Rav Herzog’s halachic conclusion in the kuntres, when the issue of forced conscription became a potential reality ten years later, Rav Herzog sent a heartfelt letter to Ben-Gurion, pleading for the exemption of bnai yeshivot, since they are already conscripted to the security of Torah and the heritage of Am Yisrael, and their Torah learning is a shield for Am Yisrael. This letter, which is found in the file of Rav Herzog’s correspondence with Ben-Gurion[4], appears below:




































Another noteworthy document in the file on giyus bnai yeshivot is a 1948 telegram from the Roshei Yeshiva of the American yeshivot, expressing their shock at the possibility of giyus bnai yeshivot, and urging Rav Herzog and Rav Uziel to make sure that bnai yeshivot remain exempt from army service. The telegram appears below, as well as my transcription of the telegram into Hebrew:



נבהלנו מאד לשמוע שאומרים לבטל השחרור של בני ישיבות ולקחתם לצבאהדבר נוגע לנפש ורוח חיי אומתנו ויגרום חילול השם בין הגויים המשחררים בני ישיבות מעבודת הצבא אפילו בשעת מלחמההשתדלו בכל תוקף להעביר רוע הגזירהואין מעצר להש[םלהושיעבשם כל הישיבות,

Kotler Gordon Grosowski Zaks Joffen Levenstein Kalmanowitz Kamenetzki Bloch Belkin Shatz[k]es Soloveitchik Feinstein Ehrenfeld Hutner Lifshitz Leibowitz Korb Ruderman Rothenberg[5]

The telegram is especially noteworthy because of the appearance of the names of the Charedi Roshei Yeshiva, such as Rav Aharon Kotler, Rav Reuven Grozovsky, Rav Moshe Feinstein etc. together with the names of the more modern Roshei Yeshiva of RIETS: the Rav, Rav Yosef Dov Soloveichik, and Dr. Samuel Belkin. Such collaboration would seem to be almost impossible in later years.

II Professor Saul Lieberman on Rav Herzog’s Torat Ha-Ohel

Rav Herzog maintained a close relationship with Professor Saul Lieberman, as Dr. Marc Shapiro has mentioned previously on the Seforim blog[6], and noted in his “Saul Lieberman and the Orthodox”, page 22.[7] It should therefore come as no surprise that Rav Herzog’s archive contains correspondence between him and Lieberman. The letter that appears below was sent by Lieberman to Rav Herzog, and contains Lieberman’s haarot on Rav Herzog’s Torat Ha-Ohel, his sefer on the Rambam’s Hilchot Sanhedrin.[8] In this letter, Lieberman first discusses the proper girsaot in the relevant Rambam and the gemara in Makot regarding minuy dayanim. He then addresses Rav Herzog’s question of how it could be possible that bnai noach have a more extensive obligation of dinim than do Yisrael,[9] and Lieberman offers an elegant yeshiva-style distinction between dinei yisrael and dinei bnai noach to answer the problem. (A similar distinction was offered by Rav Aharon Lichtenstein, in Beit Yitzchak 8, page 89, and reprinted in his Minchat Aviv.) He offhandedly mentions that Rav Menachem Kasher had recently “acquired” some of his material, and then bemoans the fact that RY”D is too involved in the ol ha-tzibur and is not dedicating himself sufficiently to his Torah study, although he has the potential to become the Gaon Ha-Dor.

Lieberman’s letter appears below, and a transcription appears in Appendix A.



It is most likely that the RY”D to whom Lieberman referred was Rav Yaakov David Herzog, Rav Herzog’s son, as the context within the letter is dealing with Rav Herzog’s family. Rav Yaakov David had already published a scientific/critical edition of Mishnayot Brachot/Peah/Demai in 1945, at the young age of 24, and Lieberman wrote a Foreword to the volume.[10] Rav Yaakov David Herzog was eventually selected as Chief Rabbi of Great Britain in the 1960s, but declined the post due to his ill health.[11]

I also entertained the possibility that the RY”D to whom Lieberman referred is the Rav, Rav Yosef Dov Soloveichik. While this seems unlikely, it would fit nicely with the comments made by Rabbi Jacob Radin, as quoted by Rav Aaron Rakeffet[12], contrasting the Rav and Lieberman:

You know that I have attended classes in both the Seminary and the Yeshiva. I have studied with Professor Lieberman and the Rav. The Professor lectures a few times a week. He hurriedly finishes and rushes back to his research. Outside of his formal lectures, he is barely available to the students. On the other hand, the Rav is never alone. He has never finished a lecture on time. He always goes overtime. He remains in the classroom afterwards to carry on the Talmudic give and take with the students who cannot part from him. Even when he rises to leave, his disciples surround him and the discussion continues…This is the basic manifest difference between these two prodigious scholars.[13]

On Lieberman’s mention of Rav Kasher, this is the page that Lieberman referenced from Tosefet Rishonim:


































And the page from Rav Kasher’s article in Sinai, Volume 18:






































A number of the rather obscure sources in Rav Kasher’s lengthy footnote 2 appear to be taken from Lieberman’s Tosefet Rishonim.

III The Lieberman Ketuba

As is well-known, Lieberman introduced a new clause into the ketuba in the early 1950s in order to alleviate the aguna problem. The clause stipulated that the couple recognizes the authority of the beit din of the Rabbinical Assembly, and that upon dissolution of the marriage, the beit din would be empowered to administer penalties as it sees fit. The aim of these penalties would be to pressure the husband to give a get. In a number of letters from the 1950s (in a file regarding Even HaEzer issues[14]), Rav Herzog mentions that he himself came up with such an idea many years earlier when he was still Chief Rabbi of Ireland. He envisioned a separate document which would empower the beit din of London to administer financial penalties on a husband withholding a get. He mentions that he is unsure of Professor Lieberman came up with this idea himself, or if Lieberman actually got the idea from Rav Herzog.



































Rabbi Emanuel Rackman wrote that it was widely believed that the Lieberman clause was examined by Rav Herzog, and that he had no objections.[15] This belief is certainly false, as Rav Herzog penned a strong protest to the proposed addition to the ketuba.[16] Rav Herzog’s main protest was due to the authority granted to the Conservative beit din. It is possible that the root of this misconception (that Rav Herzog approved of the Lieberman clause) is the fact that Rav Herzog independently envisioned a similar document or agreement, and that he entertained the possibility that Lieberman actually got the idea from him.

IV The Epstein Proposal

Another fascinating exchange between Rav Herzog and Lieberman is found in Rav Herzog’s file dedicated to Reform[[17] and Conservative Jewry[18], and relates to the Rabbinical Assembly’s 1957 attempt to resuscitate the Epstein proposal. Rabbi Louis Epstein had proposed, in his 1930 book Hatzaa Lemaan Takanat Agunot, that every husband, at the time of marriage, ought to designate his wife as a shliach to deliver her own get, in order to eliminate the aguna problem in the case of a missing husband or a get-refuser. The proposal was never implemented, in large part due to Orthodox opposition. In May of 1957, the Rabbinical Assembly attempted to resuscitate the Epstein Proposal at their Annual Convention at the Concord Hotel in Kiamesha Lake, New York. However, this attempt to revive the Epstein proposal must be viewed in light of the politics within the Conservative movement at that time. The following is an excerpt from the Presidential Report of Rabbi Aaron Blumenthal at the Rabbinical Assembly Convention[19]:







































Note in particular Rabbi Blumenthal’s comments that the Seminary is an Orthodox institution, that its synagogue has separate seating and does not use the Rabbinical Assembly siddur, and that practically every faculty member added to the Talmud faculty in the last 15 to 20 years thinks of himself as an Orthodox Jew and has little regard for the Conservative movement. Given that Lieberman was the de-facto Rabbi of this synagogue, and that Lieberman ensured that the synagogue did not use the Rabbinical Assembly siddur, and that the synagogue maintained separate seating until Lieberman’s death[20], it would seem that Rabbi Blumenthal’s words were directed primarily at Lieberman, who arrived at the Seminary some 17 years prior.

It is against this backdrop that the Rabbinical Assembly passed a Resolution that the Rabbinical Assembly Committee on Jewish Law and Standards review the Epstein proposal and submit a plan for its implementation.



The report below from the National Jewish Post and Opinion makes clear that the left wing of Conservative Judaism felt that the Lieberman ketuba did not go far enough in addressing the aguna problem and therefore sought to institute the Epstein proposal. On the other hand, the more traditional wing of Conservative Judaism, led by Rabbi Louis Finkelstein, Chancellor of JTS, wanted the proposal referred to a joint committee made up of JTS faculty and RA members. Rabbi Blumenthal’s complaint about the Orthodox character of the Seminary faculty was not just an observation, but also a charge to the RA regarding the Epstein proposal, that they not allow the Seminary faculty to torpedo the proposal. Rabbi Finkelstein’s group lost the vote 92-88, in what was, in a sense, a repudiation of Lieberman’s Orthodox influence, and a rejection of his ketuba as too Orthodox and not impactful enough.[21] The majority of the RA membership was prepared to head in a more liberal direction.






































After the passage of the Rabbinical Assembly resolution, the Agudat HaRabbanim turned to Rav Herzog in the letter below, asking him to intervene and prevent this breach of kedushat hamishpacha beyisrael.[22] (It is not clear to me why they termed the Epstein proposal nisuin al tnay, or conditional marriage, which is a different attempted mechanism to prevent aguna situations.)


































In response to the request of Agudat HaRabbanim, Rav Herzog turned to Lieberman in the letter below, asking him to intervene and prevent the implementation of the proposed nisuin al tnay.[23] (Rav Herzog apparently understood the proposal to be literally one of conditional marriage, and thus referred Lieberman to the book Ain Tnay Benisuin, rather than the book LeDor Acharon, mentioned in the Agudat HaRabbanim letter, which deals with the Epstein proposal.)


































In response to Rav Herzog’s letter, Lieberman sent Rav Herzog the very fascinating letter below. (A transcription of this letter appears in Appendix B.) Lieberman tells Rav Herzog that the Orthodox Rabbis are simply looking for excuses to make machloket, that Rabbi Finkelstein strongly protested the re-introduction of the Epstein proposal (as we noted was reported in the National Jewish Post), and that the President of the Assembly (Rabbi Blumenthal) also denied the claim of the Agudat HaRabbanim. He then says that the entire purpose of his revised ketuba was to bury the possibility of the Epstein proposal! He also mentions that some Orthodox Rabbis have claimed that any wedding which uses the new ketuba is invalid, and the kiddushin are not tofsin. (I have been unable to find any documented source of a Rabbi who made such a claim. I would be indebted to any of the readers who could provide such a source.) Lieberman concludes by assuring Rav Herzog that he would be the first to protest the implementation of the Epstein proposal, and that such a nevala could never happen while he is at the Seminary.



Rabbi Blumenthal’s denial was in fact reported by the JTA.[24] He said that the Assembly only authorized a committee to re-study the problem.

Some points remain unclear to me, as Rabbi Finkelstein’s group did indeed lose the vote, and the RA did pass a resolution that the Rabbinical Assembly Committee on Jewish Law and Standards submit a plan for the implementation of the Epstein proposal. I find it hard to understand Rabbi Blumenthal’s denial, or how Lieberman could claim that the Orthodox Rabbis were simply seeking machloket, when the RA passed a resolution for implementation (even documented in the RA Proceedings), with the left-wing defeating the traditional wing.

(to be continued)


Appendix A
Letter from Lieberman to Rav Herzog about Torat Ha-Ohel


בע"ה אור ליום דפרשלך תש"ט

לידידי הגאון הגדול האמתי מרן רי"א הלוי הירצוגלב"ב ולכל הנלוים עליו שלום רב.

היום קבלתי את יקרת כ"ג ואעשה כמובן כבקשתווהנה נזכרתי שאני חייב התנצלות לכ"ג על שתיקתי הממושכההיו כמה סיבות וטעמים לדבראת ספרו היקר קבלתי בזמנו ונהניתי מאד מחידושיו הנפלאים ובקיאותו המפליאהלא רציתי להטריד אותו בהערותי שמא יראה נחיצות נמוסית להשיבוהרי מכיר אני את טרדותיו המרובותולמה להעמיס עליו עוד משאכדי שלא יהימכתבי כשטר הדיוטות ארשום לו כמה דברים קלים שאינם צריכים עיון ומו"מדברי הר"מ בפ"א מהלסנהדרין ה"ב קשה להגיהוכנראה שלדעת הר"מ אין כלל מצוה למנות דיינים בחו"לכפי שהבין בו הרמב"ן בפרששופטיםוכן משמע מלשונו של הר"מ בסה"מ עשין קע"ו ומקורו הוא הבבלי במכות ספ"א[25] לפי גירסת המאירי שם: "אבל בחו"ל אי אתה מושיב בכל פלך ופלך ובכל עיר ועיר." והוא מביא שם את גירסת התלמוד שלנו בשם "ויש גורסיםומסייםולא נראה כןואשר לפסק הר"מ בספ"ט מהמלכים נראה שהוא חלק בין ב"נ ובין ישראלשהרי ישראל מצווים למנות שופטים כמ"ע של שופטים ושוטרים תתן לךואפילו יצוייר שנהיה בטוחים שישראל לא יעברו על שום עברה ג"כ מצוה למנות שופטיםברם ב"נ מחוייב למנות שופטים רק מפני שהוא מצווה על הדיניןכלומר שישגיח שלא יעברו על מצות ב"נואם לא מנה שופטים בפלך ועבר אחד מהם עברה ולא דנו אותו כלם חייבים מיתה (שהרי כל אחד ראוי לדון יחידי), אבל כ"ז שלא עברו עברה אינם חייבים מיתה על מינוי דיינים אפילו לשיטת הר"מ.[26] ועיין ביד רמה נו ע"ב וברש"י ד"ה כך נצטווומלשונו של הרמ"ה משמע שכן היה לפניו מפורש בגמרא שבני נח הוזהרו מחמת "ושפטו."
בענין גר העמלקי (דף נ"ועיין מ"ש החיד"א ביעיר אוזןעין זוכר מערכת גאות אדברים מחוכמים מאד.
[בעני]ן מכת מרדות (צ"טעיין בשו"ת [הר]שב"ש סיתר"י וציינתי לו בתוספת ראשונים ח"ב צד 170 (עכשיו ראיתי שידידנו הרב כשר קנה במשיכה מספרי שם את כל החומר ופרסמם בסיני.)
כפי שאמרתי לא ארבה בדברים שצריכים לינה בעומקה של הלכהואני מקוה שנוכל לדבר ע"ז אי"ה פה אל פה.
על כמה דברים שנתחדשו אצל כ"ג באופן פרטי שמענו מאורחים וידידים היורדים מהתם להכא ושמחנו מאד לשמוע שכלתו הכבודה ב"ה נתרפאה לגמרימצטער אני מאד שרי"ד[27] שלנו נושא בעול הצבור ואינו מתפנה לגמרי לעולה של תורההרי עדיין הוא צעיר ויכול להיות לגאון הדורומדי דברי בו נזכרתי ששאל אותי מקום הירושלמיהתלמיד תוך דאמות ברם הרב אפילו חוץ לדאמות והשבתי לו שירושלמי כזה אין לפנינוואעפ"י שכן הוא האמת בכ"ז שכחתי באותה שעה שכן מביא הריטב"א בסוכה כ"ח בשם הירושלמי.
אצלנו אין כל חדשאנו יושבים ומצפים לגאולה שלמהייתי ונחמיניה.
בפ"ש מבית לבית
הנני מעריצו ומוקירו וידידו הנאמן
שאול ליברמן

הייתי מכיר טובה מאד לרבנית שתחיאם תודיע לנו בפרוטרוט על חיימקה שיחיומשפחתו ועל רי"ד אהובנו.[28]

Appendix B
Letter from Lieberman to Rav Herzog about the Epstein Proposal

בעה"י יום הפרשמטות תשי"ז

לכבוד ידידינו הגאון הגדול האמיתי מרן הרי"א הלוי הירצוג הרב הראשי לא"י ברכה ושלום רב.

יקרת כ"ג מיתמוז הועברה אלי לכרם מרתה[29]ומאד מאד התפלאתי שכ"ג האמין לדיבת הרבנים כאןאמנם בכנסיית הרבנים השמרנים דברו על עיון מחדש בשאלת תנאי בקידושיןאבל ד"ר פינקלשטיין יצא בכל תוקף נגד חידוש העיוןונשיא הכנסיה הנ"ל הכחיש בעצמו את דיבת הרבניםאבל הללו מחפשים רק אמתלאות למחלוקתכל עניין הכתובה היה כדי לקבור לגמרי את שאלת התנאיהסברתי להם שאם ליחיד אפשר פעם לחשוב ע"ז הרי לרבים אין הדבר בא כלל בחשבון שהתנאי יעשה ע"פ דיןוישתקע הדבר ולא יעלה שוב על הפרקוכולם הסכימו ל[י]. עכשיו יש מהם שבאים בטענות ואומריםהרי הרבנים הארתודוכסים טוענין שאף הכתובה נעשתה שלא כדיןויש מהם (כלומר מהרבנים הארתודוקסיםשאמרו שהמתחתן בכתובה החדשה אין הקידושין תופסיןוהאשה מותרת בלי גט (ממש לא יאומן כי יסופראבל לצערי נאמרו הדברים), א"כ הרי מוטב לעשות תנאי בקידושיןולהפטר מכל שאלת העגונה בבת אחתוהנני מבטיח את כב"ג שאין לשמועה שום יסודאחרת הייתי אני בין הראשונים למחותוכל זמן שאני בסמינר לא יתכן שיעשו נבלה כזו.

בפ"ש ובברכה לכל המשפ[חה]

בהערצה ובידידות

שאול [ליברמן]
[1] See here.
[2] See here.
[3] A short one-page summary of the kuntres appears in R’ Zorach Warhaftig’s Chuka Leyisrael, page 236. However, R’ Warhaftig neglects to mention that Rav Herzog advocated only giyus chelki.
[4] See here.
[5] Every name on the telegram is relatively well known, except for Rothenberg. I assume this is Rav Moshe Rothenberg, founder of Yeshivat Chachmei Lublin of Detroit. See Toldot Anshei Shem page 126, here.
[6] See here.
[7] For the following sections related to Lieberman, I made extensive use of Dr. Shapiro’s “Saul Lieberman and the Orthodox.”
[8] See here.
[9] Here in Yeriot Ha-Ohel 1.
[10] See here. Interestingly, Lieberman signed the Foreword as “Saul Lieberman, Dean, Harry Fischel Institute, Jerusalem”, even though Lieberman had been teaching in JTS for five years already. (In the Foreword, he notes that the publication of the volume coincided with Harry Fischel’s 80th birthday, in 1945.) In fact, Lieberman’s name appeared atop the Harry Fischel Institute’s stationery as late as 1949 (can be seen in Rav Herzog’s file on Machon Harry Fischel.) It would appear that Lieberman continued to serve in some capacity as Dean of the Harry Fischel Institute even after he left Israel to come to America. Incredibly, he held one foot in each world simultaneously, as Dean of the Harry Fischel Institute and Professor in JTS, a fact that has heretofore eluded his biographers. My good friend Rabbi Dovid Bashevkin reports in the name of Mr. Carmi Schwartz, Executive Vice President of the Council of Jewish Federations, that Lieberman willed most of his considerable life savings to the Harry Fischel Institute after his death, and not to JTS.
[11] See here.
[12] Mentor of Generations, page 119.
[13] For more on the Rav and Lieberman, see Rav Rakeffet’s “A Note on R. Saul Lieberman and the Rav”, in Tradition, Winter 2007. Also noteworthy is the following story that appears in Rav Hershel Schachter’s Mipninei Ha-rav:






































The head of the Seminary who gave the shiur with which the Rav disagreed so vehemently is none other than Lieberman. Warren’s visit to the Seminary was covered on the front page of the New York Times (September 14, 1957.) (For a humorous account of how Lieberman sipped tea through a sugar cube that weekend in the presence of former president Harry Truman, see “The Rabbi as Symbolic Exemplar” by Jack Bloom, page 37.) Here is the New York Times’ account of Lieberman’s shiur:






































A similar account of the shiur appears in the Sentinel (September 26, 1957)






































Regarding Lieberman’s suggestion that the principle of Ain Adam Meisim Atzmo Rasha is predicated on the presumption of teshuva, there appears to be another difficulty, in addition to that raised by the Rav. The gemara in Makot 13b states:

חייבי מיתות ב"ד אינו בכלל מלקות ארבעים שאם עשו תשובה אין ב"ד של מטה מוחלין להן

The gemara states explicitly that teshuva is not efficacious in absolving a sinner of capital punishment, which would seem to contradict Professor Lieberman’s thesis. My good friend Rabbi Dovid Bashevkin has offered the following original suggestion to resolve the problem. Professor Lieberman might have believed that the gemara in Makot which states that teshuva does not absolve capital punishment is referring to after gmar din, when the sinner has already been tried and sentenced. At that point, teshuva is no longer effectual. However, the principle of Ain Adam Meisim Atzmo Rasha applies before trial and sentencing, and teshuva would absolve a sinner before sentencing. This reading of the gemara in Makot is certainly plausible, although it does run contrary to the reading of the Noda B’Yehuda (Orach Chaim 34, s.v. ela), who assumes that the gemara is referring to before gmar din as well. Additionally, it would seem difficult to assume that a confession is indicative of teshuva if a sinner is aware that he can absolve himself of punishment by simply admitting his guilt in beit din. However, this approach would explain why the Rav raised a difficulty based on the words of the Raavad, and not the gemara in Makot, as the gemara in Makot is not a conclusive proof.
[14] See here.
[15] “Conflict and Consensus in Jewish Political Life”, page 120, also cited in “Saul Lieberman: the Man and his Work”, page 45. My thanks to my good friend Dr. Josh Lovinger for bringing this to my attention.
[16] Techuka leYisrael al pi Torah, volume 3 page 210.
[17] The correspondence in that file also shows the effort that Rav Herzog expended in an attempt to prevent the Reform movement from gaining any foothold whatsoever in Israel.
[18] See here.
[19] Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of America 21, 57th Annual Convention (1957), pages 41-42.
[20] See here.
[21] National Jewish Post and Opinion, June 14, 1957.
[22] See also HapardesTamuz, 1957 for details of the protest arranged by Agudat HaRabbanim.
[23] This letter also appears in “Saul Lieberman and the Orthodox”, Hebrew section, page 6.
[24] See here.
[25] Makot 7a
[26] This would also answer the (similar) question of the Gvurot Ari in Makot 7a, s.v. UveChu”l.
[27] As mentioned, I believe that this refers to Rav Yaakov David Herzog.
[28] Future president of Israel, Chaim Herzog, and Rav Yaakov David Herzog.
[29] Martha’s Vineyard.

Approbations and Restrictions: Printing the Talmud in Eighteenth Century Amsterdam and Two Frankfurts

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Approbations and Restrictions:
Printing the Talmud in Eighteenth Century Amsterdam and Two Frankfurts
by Marvin J. Heller

Approbations designed to protect the investment of printers and their sponsors when publishing a large work such as the Talmud were well intentioned. Unfortunately, the results were counter-productive, resulting in acrimonious disputes between publishers within and between cities. This article discusses the first approbations, issued for the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud (1697-99), and the resulting dispute with printers in Amsterdam in 1714-17. The background of the presses and the pressmarks utilized by the printers are discussed, giving a fuller picture of the printing of the Talmud in the subject period, as well as addressing antecedent (Benveniste) and subsequent editions.

Approbations for books have multiple purposes, among them commendations, indicating approval or praise for the subject work, confirming that a book’s contents do not contain forbidden or prohibited matter, and to protect a publisher’s investment from competitive editions for a fixed period of time. This article is concerned with the last purpose, here rabbinic approbations (hascoma, pl. hascomot) limiting or preventing rival editions of the Talmud published in the last decade of the seventeenth century into the first half of the eighteenth century.

The restrictive approbations discussed here are unlike those issued previously, such as the first approbations for a Hebrew book, R. Jacob Barukh ben Judah Landau’s (15th cent.) concise halakhic compendium, Sefer Ha-Agur (Naples, 1487), one of seven approbations, that of R. Judah ben Jehiel Rofe (Messer Leone, 15th cent.) stating he has examined ha-Agur, and, “it is a work that gives forth pleasant words. . . . I have, therefore, set my signature unto these nectars of the honeycomb, these words of beauty,” or those in Italy or in Basle, which assured the authorities that nothing untoward or offensive to Christianity was included in the book, or to current approbations, which assure the reader that a work’s contents are in conformity with the community’s religious standards. In contrast, the approbation issued for the Frankfurt on the Oder Berman Talmud, and to subsequent editions, was a license for a fixed number of years, prohibiting other publishers from printing competitive editions that would prevent the printer and his sponsor(s), who would otherwise be reluctant to make the substantial investment required to print such a large multi-volume work as the Talmud, from realizing a return on their investment.

The discord arising from restrictive approbations for printing the Talmud were not the first such disputes. In Amsterdam, disputes between printers arose over editions of the Bible. Johannes Georgius Nisselius and Joseph Athias competed in the mid-seventeenth century over a Sacra Biblia (Hebrew Bible) for the use of students and several years later Athias and Uri Phoebus were involved in controversy over their translations of the Bible into Yiddish, competing for the Jewish market in Poland. Arguing over the right to publish for and sell to that market, they sought to reinforce their positions by seeking approbations from the Polish, as well as the Amsterdam rabbinate.[1] Nevertheless, their competition pales in contrast to the recurring altercations over the right to print the Talmud, which spanned several centuries and much of the European continent.

Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz writes that the intent in granting this and subsequent approbations was for the good of the community, to insure investors a reasonable return on their investment. The result, however, was that the Talmud was printed only eight times in the century from 1697 to 1797, and the price of a set of the Talmud was dear. Prior to that the Talmud had been printed several times in Italy and Poland within a relatively short period of time, the primary impediment then being the opposition of the Church and local authorities. Rabbinovicz concludes that after 1797 the use of restrictive approbations declined, with the consequence that within four decades, to 1835, the Talmud was printed nine times.[2]

During last decade of the seventeenth century into the first half of the eighteenth century several rival editions of the Talmud appeared, beginning with the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud (1697-99) followed by two incomplete editions in Amsterdam (1714-17 and 1714), the Frankfurt on the Main Talmud (1720–22), again in Amsterdam (1752–1765), and finally the Sulzbach Red (1755-63) and Black (1766-70). We are concerned with and focus on the early editions, that is, on the dispute between the Frankfurt on the Oder and Amsterdam printers, their dispute resulting from restrictive approbations issued to presses printing the Talmud. This article discusses the background of the Hebrew presses that published these Talmud editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth century; its primary focus, being the disputes resulting from the restrictive approbations.

I Amsterdam – Benveniste Talmud

Amsterdam has a distinguished place in Jewish history. Among the notable features of that city’s Jewish community are its printing-houses, among the foremost in Europe for centuries. Highly regarded, Amsterdam imprints were distributed and sold throughout all of Europe. The preeminence of Amsterdam as a European book center is evident, for it is estimated that the output of the Dutch presses in the seventeenth century exceeded the combined production of all the presses of all other European countries. The number of book-printers totaled 273 at its peak in 1675-99, employing at its height in excess of 30,000 people supported through some facet of the book trade.[3] The important works published by its presses include editions of the Talmud, beginning with the Benveniste Talmud of 1644-47, through the much praised Proops’ Talmud of 1752-65. In addition to complete editions of the Talmud individual treatises, frequently in a smaller format, were also published for students and individuals who did not require or who could not afford a complete Talmud.[4]

The printing of Hebrew books in Amsterdam by Jews begins in 1627, when two printers published books, Manasseh (Menasseh) Ben Israel (1604-57) and Daniel de Fonesca. The former’s press was the first to publish with a Sephardic rite prayer-book, completed on January 1, 1627. Manasseh Ben Israel would achieve acclaim that, together with its founder’s many other achievements, is still recalled today. Manasseh did not publish Talmudic tractates but his press did issue three critical editions of Mishnayot (1632, 1643, and 1646). He also intended to publish an edition of the Talmud but that did not come to pass.

The next printer of Hebrew books of import in Amsterdam was Immanuel (Imanoel) Benveniste. Benveniste is believed to have been among the Jewish refugees from Spain or Portugal, and that he was descended from the illustrious Sephardic family of that name.[5] Beneveniste relocated to Amsterdam because, by the mid-seventeenth century that city offered better opportunities for the distribution of Hebrew books than any city in Italy.[6] Beneveniste was the publisher of the first Amsterdam Talmud, printed from 1644-47. The Benveniste Talmud is in a smaller (c. 260:195 cm.) quarto format than the usual large folio editions.[7]




Fig. 1

Although not subject to restrictive approbations it is included here due to its relevance to the history of the printing the Talmud in Amsterdam and because the title-pages of Benveniste’s publications are distinguished by his escutcheon, an upright lion facing inward towards a tower; a star is above the lion and the tower. The lion is on the viewer's right, the tower on the left. At least six forms of Benveniste’s device have been identified. In all cases, excepting his Talmudic treatises, Benveniste’s insignia is set in a crest above an architectural frame surrounding the text of the title page. On the title-pages of the Benveniste tractates his mark appears at the bottom of the page in an ornamental shield, with a helmet in the crest (fig. 1). Given the high regard of most Benveniste imprints this device was subsequently used by several printers in Amsterdam, including two of the following subject editions, as well as by other presses in various locations.[8]

This Talmud has been has been praised for restoring expurgated material. Unlike Benveniste’s other publications, however, the Beneveniste Talmud is not highly regarded. Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz quotes from an approbation given by R. Moses Judah ha-Cohen, Av Bet Din, of the Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam, for the Berman Talmud (Frankfurt on the Oder, 1697-99) which states that Benveniste, due to his concern over expenses, printed a Talmud edition which was, due to its small size, difficult to learn from. Furthermore, Benveniste used letters that were “the smallest of the small and blurred so that the users eyes become heavy and his sight wanders as if from old age.”[9] This notwithstanding, no less a personage than the Vilna Gaon (R. Elijah ben Soloman Zalman, Gr”a, 1720-70) made use of the Benveniste Talmud, Rabbinovicz writing that “he had heard from a great Talmudic scholar who related that he had seen a Talmud from which the Gr”a had learned by R. Judah Bachrach (1775-1846) av bet din Seiny with his (Gr”a’s) handwritten annotations, brief and varied from his printed annotations, and that it was a Benveniste Talmud.”[10]

II - Frankfurt on the Oder - Michael Gottschalk

Printing with Hebrew letters in Frankfurt on the Oder begins when the Christian printers Joachim and Friedreich Hartmann (1594-1631), who, using new Hebrew fonts and vowels cast by Zechariah Crato (?) of Wittenberg, published a Hebrew Bible in 1595-96. While there are references to an even earlier Bible, half a century earlier, that is uncertain. More than a century later, Johann Christoph Beckmann (1641-1711), professor of Greek language history, and theology at the University of Frankfurt on the Oder, operated a printing-press in Frankfurt on the Oder from 1673 to 1717, which he acquired from his brother Friedreich on June 1, 1673 for 400 Thaler; Friedreich, in turn, had purchased the press for a like amount. Beckmann obtained a travel scholarship from the Brandenburg Elector and, during his travels in Europe came to Amsterdam. In 1663, in that city, Beckmann met Jewish students, the renowned R. Jacob Abendana (1630-85), and studied Talmud. In 1666, Beckmann returned to Frankfurt, where he obtained a position at the university (Viadrina), teaching there until his death in 1717 and serving as rector eight times. Because of the admission of Jewish students, the Viadrina became the “Amsterdam of the East,” both Hebrew and oriental studies being of importance.[11]

Beckmann was granted, initially, on May 1, 1675, a license to employ two Jewish workers, under the direct protection of the university, to print a Hebrew Bible, this despite of the protests of Frankfurt city. By 1693, however, Beckmann found that his responsibilities at the university left him with insufficient time to manage the press. Therefore, he contracted with Michael Gottschalk, a local bookbinder and book-dealer to manage the printing-house, transferring all of the typographical equipment and material to Gottschalk. Their arrangement was noted on the title-pages of the books issued by the press, which stated “with the letters of Lord Johann Christoph Beckmann, Doctor and Professor . . . at the press of Michael Gottschalk.” Gottschalk became the moving spirit of the press for almost four decades.

After printing several varied Hebrew titles Gottschalk approached Beckmann, requesting that he obtain permission to reprint the Talmud. Beckmann petitioned Friedreich III, Elector of Brandenburg (1657-1713, reigned 1688-1713, from 1701 King of Prussia), requesting a license to print the Talmud. Friedreich, in turn, sought the counsel of the Berlin professor Dr. Daniel Ernest Jablonski (1660-1741), from 1691, court preacher at Königsberg for the elector of Brandenburg, Friederick III. Jablonski, a Christian German theologian of Czech origin, an orientalist, had been associated with universities in Holland and England, settling in Lissa in 1686, and from there moving to Berlin. In 1700, Jablonski became a member of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Jablonski established a Hebrew press in Berlin, publishing a scholarly edition of the Hebrew Bible based on the Leusden edition (Amsterdam, 1667, Atthias) and a translation of Richard Bentley’s A Confutation of Atheism into Latin (Berlin, 1696). Jablonski, was to become personally involved with Hebrew printing in Berlin, and would be participate in the publishing of two later editions of the Talmud.

When a sponsor was sought for the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud, Beckmann found one in the Court Jew Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi Bermann (1661-1730) of Halberstadt, known as Bermann Halberstadt or, in his commercial dealings with the non-Jewish world, as Behrend Lehmann. It was Bermann who bore the cost of this Talmud, and whose name is associated with it. Selma Stern observes that Bermann was a pious and observant Jew throughout his life. He was held in high regard by his fellow Jews; and was described as “a second Joseph of Egypt” and “the chosen of the Lord, who warns him about the machinations of his enemies and miraculously rescues him when he is in dire straits.” Bermann was known among his people as “the founder of the Klaus in Halberstadt, the publisher of the Talmud, the man who defeated the first Prussian king at chess and who even in the glittering world of the Court never forgot Eternal Truth, corresponded to the ideal which Jews have had of their great men leaders.”[12]

Beckmann and Bermann entered into an agreement to publish the Talmud, Beckmann transferring his rights to Bermann, and the latter accepting responsibility for publishing the entire edition, making an initial payment of three hundred reichsthalers at the time of the agreement.[13] The printer was to be the Christian, Michael Gottschalk. Approximately half of the sets of this Talmud, known as the Berman Talmud, were distributed by Bermann to yeshivot and penurious scholars who could not otherwise have acquired a complete Talmud. Not only did he spend fifty thousand reichthalers of his own money to publish the Talmud, from which he apparently saw no financial gain, distributing copies to Talmudic students, but afterwards granted permission to the Amsterdam and Frankfurt on the Main printers to publish a complete Talmud, this in spite of the fact that he had approbations preventing republication of competitive editions.[14]




























Fig. 2

Each volume of this Talmud has two title-pages. The first, a volume header page, has an engraved copper plate title-page (fig. 2) by the craftsman Martin Bernigeroth (1670-1733), Dt. Kupferstecher u. Zeichner (engraver and illustrator).[15] This initial title-page consists of an upright lamb with a pitcher on top of a portico. Below it, on the sides of the page, are Moses to the right and Aaron to the left. Beneath them, similarly situated, are King David with a harp, and King Solomon. Above each figure is that individuals’ name. Avraham Habermann and Avraham Yaari both write that the sheep and laver represent Bermann, who was a Levi. Yaari adds that the sheep further represents Bermann’s “mazel” or constellation, for Bermann was born on the 24th of Nissan (April 23), 1661, the astrological symbol for that month being a sheep.[16]

The second textual tractate title-page follows immediately after the volume title-page. The tractate title-pages are basically copied, with several modifications, from the Benveniste Talmud; but also includes some features characteristic of the Basel Talmud, which is supposed to be the source of this edition. The text concludes in Latin, informing that it is “in accordance with expurgations of the Council of Trent. . . .” and that it was printed in conformity with the Basle edition (1578 – 1581). Between the Hebrew and Latin text is Michael Gottschalk’s printer’s mark (fig. 3), which appears on the title-pages of this Talmud. It is a mirror-image monogram (cipher) of his name, the first usage of such a monogram in a Hebrew book.[17]




Fig. 3

Printed with this Talmud are approbations for the edition. When Johann Christoph Beckmann secured permission in 1695 from the Kaiser, Leopold, and from Friedreich Augustus, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, to print the Talmud, he was given not only authorization to print the Talmud, but was also granted the sole and exclusive right to do so for twelve years. Leading rabbinic figures, according to Rabbinovicz, issued restrictive approbations, the first instance in which such rabbinic licenses were granted. The rabbis who signed the approbations were R. Naftali ben Isaac ha-Kohen Katz, av bet din (head of the rabbinical court) of Pozna, R. Joseph Samuel of Cracow, av bet din of Frankfurt on the Main, R. David ben Abraham Oppenheim, av bet din of Nikolsburg, and R. Moses Judah ha Kohen and R. Jacob Sasportas of Amsterdam concurred in granting this monopoly, issuing approbations (hascomas) for twenty years.

These approbations were unlike those issued previously in Italy, which assured the authorities that nothing untoward or offensive to them was included in the book, or current approbations, which assure the reader that a work’s contents are in conformity with the community’s religious standards. The approbation issued for this Talmud, and to subsequent editions, was a license for a fixed number of years, prohibiting other publishers from printing competitive editions that would prevent the printer and his sponsor(s), who would otherwise be reluctant to make the substantial investment required to print the Talmud, from realizing a return on their investment.

Oppenheim refers to the burning of the Talmud and other Hebrew books in the Chnielnicki massacres tah ve-tat (1648–49), fires that resulted in the loss of many Hebrew books, resulting in a dire need for Talmudic tractates. Indeed, he writes that the entire Jewish educational system was endangered due to insufficient copies of the Talmud. He praises Lehmann, noting his benevolence in distributing half of the copies to needy students free of charge.[18] Towards the end of his long and flowery approbation Oppenheim forbids the printing of the Talmud by anyone without the permission of Issachar Bermann SG”L, from the day that printing commences until twenty years have elapsed from its completion. This prohibition is “whether for all or for part, even for one tractate only, whether for oneself or for others, and is not to be done by means of guile or ruse.” To enforce his decree R. Oppenheim states that “this decree falls equally upon the purchaser as well as the seller, for that which a rabbinic court declares ownerless is ownerless. Any [such tractate] found in a person’s possession without license, is to be taken forcibly, without payment or deed . . .”[20]

Similarly, R. Joseph Samuel of Cracow begins by praising Berman, noting that all realize that these many days many thought to print the Talmud due to its being unavailable, not to be found, except one to a city and two to a family. He notes, however, that although many wanted to print the Talmud it was to no avail, for it is a large project of much work and difficult to complete, until the Lord aroused the spirit of R. Berman of Halberstadt for the public benefit and the honor of the Torah, to print an entire Talmud on good paper, with fine ink, and diligent workers, well edited. Lest there be many who “bear gall and wormwood” (Deuteronomy 29:17) who also wish to print the Talmud and therefore cause great harm R. Berman’s interests, and “lock the door before him” (cf. Bekhorot 10b) who performs a great mitzvah to benefit the public, for “such is such theTorah, and such is its reward” (Berakhot 21b, Menahot 21b)? He therefore, concurs with the other leading rabbis to decree,

Excommunication and a ban on each and every person who should take it upon himself to print the Talmud in its entirety or in whole or in part without the agreement and knowledge of the noble R. Berman, except for a section needed to learn in yehivot, which is not included in the ban. It is permitted to print only that section and not a complete tractate in order to “magnify the Torah, and make it glorious” (Isaiah 42:21). A blessing should come upon he who hearkens to our words, may blessings of good come upon him and may he receive good from God Who is good. But “he who breaches through a fence, shall be bitten by a serpent” (Avodah Zara 27b) . . . and all the curses written in the Torah shall come upon him. . . .

Even before the privilege for this Talmud had expired the need for a new edition became apparent, numerous appeals being made to Issachar Bermann to republish the Talmud. Gottschalk, who had the rights granted to Beckmann, was also favorable to reprinting the Talmud. The Talmud had sold well and Gottschalk, as a result, had become a wealthy man.[20] Frederick William I of Prussia acceded to their request on May 23, and a new privilege, dated October 13, 1710, was granted to Gottschalk by Joseph I, successor to Leopold, in 1705, to print the Talmud and sell it throughout his domain, albeit with the customary restrictions and with the provision, as with all Hebrew books, that five copies be brought to the Imperial court. Similarly, on January 11, 1711, Frederick Augustus I (Augustus II), Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, also granted such a privilege. Nevertheless, these privileges were not immediately acted upon by Gottschalk and it would be several years before he printed the second of his three editions of the Talmud.[21]

III - Marches and de Palasios and Solomon Proops

Individual tractates were frequently published in Amsterdam, to address the continuing communal need for treatises for study purposes. The printers of these tractates include Moses Mendes Coutinho, Asher Anshel and Issachar Ber, Issac de Cordova, Joseph Dayyan and Moses Frankfurter, the latter two dayyanim (judges) of the Ashkenaz religious court. During the interval between the Benveniste and the Frankfurt on the Oder editions of the Talmud no complete Talmud had been printed. It must have appeared unseemly, however, that in Amsterdam, the center of Hebrew printing, with the greatest number of, and the largest, Hebrew printing-presses, that no Talmud edition had been issued for over six decades.

An attempt to correct this, even if that was not the printers’ primary intent, occurred during the interval between the first and second Frankfurt on the Oder editions of the Talmud. two independent editions of the Talmud were begun in Amsterdam in 1714. The first was published by the partners Samuel ben Solomon Marcheses and Raphael ben Joshua de Palasios, the second by Solomon Proops. Both publishers began to print in 1714; both editions are in attractive large folio format; the title-pages of both Talmuds have, as a printer’s device, copies of the Benveniste escutcheon (figs. 4, 5). Most importantly, neither Talmud edition was completed.

Except for a Sephardic rite prayer-book, printed by Samuel Marcheses at the press of Joseph Athias, neither partner, prominent members of the Amsterdam Sephardic community, had previously published any works. Their motivation in establishing a press was for the specific purpose of printing the Talmud. Furthermore, they intended to do so in such a manner as to produce an especially fine and accurate edition. The workers would not be hurried, so that they could work with care, reducing errors, supervised by R. Moses Frankfurter, who would help establish the correct text.[22] Marcheses and de Palasios did so under the influence of R. Judah Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel Schotten ha-Kohen (1644-1719), av bet din of Frankfurt on the Main, and his father-in-law R. Samuel Settin of Frankfurt n Main. Judah Aryeh Loeb had previously attempted to have a Talmud printed in Frankfurt in 1710 but, due to the prior approbations granted to the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud his efforts were to no avail, and he was unable to get authorization from the emperor to print the Talmud. In 1713, Judah Aryeh Loeb explored the possibility of obtaining permission to print in Frankfurt from the Kaiser in Vienna, but did not even receive a response to his inquiries. Judah Aryeh Loeb next turned to Amsterdam where, with the assistance of his father-in-law and the agreement of R. Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi Bermann who had the prior approbation he commenced to print the Talmud.[23] Subsequently Samuel Settin arranged for Samuel Marches and Joshua de Palasios to undertake this venture, arranging for R. Zvi Hirsh of Sharbishin, at the time a resident of Amsterdam, to visit various Jewish communities, seeking subscribers to defray the cost of publication.[24]

Printing began with tractate Berakhot in 1714; the following tractates are recorded by Rabbinovicz as having been printed: 1715 - Shabbat and Seder Zera’im: 1716 - EruvinPesahimHagigahMo’ed KatanYomaShekalimMegillah, and Ketubbot: 1717 - BezahRosh Ha-ShanahSukkahTa’anit, and Yevamot.[25] Printing was discontinued in 1717 due to the approbations issued to the Frankfurt on the Oder printer for the Berman Talmud.

The approbations for this edition appear in tractate Shabbat. They are from R. Solomon ben Jacob Ayllon, R. Gabriel ben Judah Loeb of Cracow, R. Samuel ben Joseph Schotten ha-Kohen, R. Baruch ben Moses Meir Rappaport, R. Ezekiel ben Abraham of the house of Katzenellenbogen, R. Menahem Mendel Ashkenazi, R. Isaac Aaron ben Joseph Israel of Metz, and R. Phineas ben Simeon Wolff Auerbach of Cracow. The approbation of R. Menahem Mendel Ashkenazi, at the time Landesrabbiner in Bamberg and Baiersdorf, subjected anyone who violated the copyright to excommunication, placing a

ban, and anathema, and death on anyone who would reprint the Talmud during twenty years from the completion of this edition without the knowledge or permission of the above [Judah Aryeh Loeb] in any manner, whether in its entirety or in part, even a single tractate, excepting a section needed for learning in the yeshivot according to the requirements of the times, whether by himself or by his agent or his agent’s agent, directly or indirectly, whether a member of his household or not a member of his household . . . and he who heeds our words shall be blessed . . .

Marcheses and de Palasios acknowledge the existence of the prior restrictive approbation for the Berman Talmud on the title-pages of their tractates, which note that most of its benefits can be attributed to the Talmud of R. Issachar Bermann of Halberstadt, and also state

[And even though] most of the qualities to be found in this Talmud were acceded to me by the noble, the eminent, the distinguished R. Issachar Bermann Segal of Halberstadt even though the time restricting publication established by the geonim of the land for the above noble (Berman) for printing his Talmud has not yet elapsed. An palanquin to the above eminent noble for this. Now “My eyes and my heart are always toward the Lord” (cf. Psalms 25:15) . . .



Fig. 4. 1714, Berakhot, Marches and de Palasios 







































Fig. 5. 1714, Berakhot, Solomon Proops

In the same year, 1714, that Berakhot was published a second Talmud was begun in Amsterdam. The publisher of that edition was Solomon ben Joseph Proops, then a book dealer, Maecenas to numerous Amsterdam publishers, and the founder of the famous Proops press. He had been a book-dealer and financed and partnered in a number of works published at other presses before establishing his own press in 1704. The printing-house founded by Solomon Proops would become one of the most illustrious in the history of Amsterdam Hebrew printing. It issued, almost simultaneously with the Marches and de Palasios edition, a copy of Berakhot with Seder Zera’im, possibly followed by Bezah.

Proops was unable to continue with his proposed Talmud edition, publishing one (two) volume(s) only. Judah Aryeh Loeb, relying on the approbations given his Talmud prior to the Proops edition, objected to the publication of a rival Talmud, and brought the matter before a rabbinic court. The court’s enjoined Proops from printing additional tractates, and trespassing on Judah Aryeh Loeb’s rights as a printer. To avoid further difficulties of this sort, Marques and de Palasios secured approbations from leading rabbinic authorities for their Talmud, prohibiting other printers from publishing a Talmud.

Rabbinovicz observes that Proop’s defense, that he was unaware that Samuel Marches and Joshua de Palasios were already engaged in the publication of the Talmud, was untenable. Proops had to know that R. Judah Aryeh Loeb was publishing tractates in Amsterdam. Proops might argue that he had begun Berakhot prior to the other press, was unaware of their approbations, and having begun, should be allowed to complete his work.

This was not the last law suit concerning the Talmud that Judah Aryeh Loeb had to contest. Although we can sympathize with Judah Aryeh Leib’s difficulties with Solomon Proops, there is a certain poetic justice to his situation, for just as he protested the Proops Talmud in Amsterdam, so too did he face objections from the Frankfurt on the Oder printer. As noted above, Michael Gottschalk, the Berlin and Frankfurt on the Oder printer, who had printed his first Talmud (1697-99) and would subsequently print two additional two editions of the Talmud (1715-22, 1734-39), brought a suit to force Judah Aryeh Loeb and the partners to cease printing their Talmud. In addition to his prior approbations Gottschalk claimed that he had obtained the sole authorization to print his second Talmud, again for twenty years, from Kaiser Joseph I of Germany in 1710, King Frederick Augusta of Poland and Saxony in 1711, Kaiser Karl VI and King Frederick Wilheim in 1715. Gottschalk filed his complaint in mid-1717.

Rabbinovicz writes that he does not know why Gottschalk waited so long to exercise his rights to stop the printing of this edition. Gottschalk had obtained royal permission, as well as rabbinic approbations, as early as 1715. Instead, he permitted Judah Aryeh Loeb to print a number of tractates over a period of several years before he acted. According to Friedberg, in that year, Samuel Schotten took tractates from the Amsterdam Talmud to the book fair in Lippsia (Leipzig).

There were several book fairs of importance in Germany, among the most important being those of Frankfurt on the Main from as early as 1240 and the Leipzig (Lippsia) fair, which predates it, from 1170. Both locations were centers of the printing industry, Frankfurt midway between north and south, Lippsia in the north. Although Frankfurt initially overshadow Leipzig, it later “was forced to yield to the Saxon city. . . . which became . . . the centre of German book publishing.” Leipzig’s importance can be further credited, “not in its number of presses but in its number of shops, its number of book dealers, and publishing houses.” Furthermore, although many German cities had book fairs, “Leipzig was one of the most important fairs eastern and south Eastern Europe and soon utilized the advantage of her connections for the development of the book trade.”[26] It is not surprising then, that Moses Schotten, the son of Samuel Schotten, attended the book fair.[27]

Returning to Friedberg’s account of events, Moses Schotten attended the Leipzig book fair, bringing samples of the tractates printed in Amsterdam. Gottschalk “waited for him and then ambushed him in secret.” Immediately after Schotten arrived in Leipzig Gottschalk contacted the fair officials, that the tractates brought by Schotten should be confiscated. The fair officials did not act, however, instead awaiting instructions from the prince of the district capital, Dresden, who delayed until the conclusion of the fair. In the interim, Schotten was able to sell the tractates that he had brought without hindrance.

Gottschalk returned home, bitter, and submitted a complaint on January 3, 1716 to the king. In it Gottschalk related what had occurred at the fair and petitioned the king for recourse against those who had trampled “with their feet” on his legal rights. The king responded to affirmatively to Gottschalk on February 12, 1716, prohibiting the sale of the Talmud at the fair by anyone except Gottschalk. Several additional tractates were printed in Amsterdam and Schotten returned, in October 3, 1717, to the fair. Gottschalk, when he became aware of this, informed the officials of their obligations and this occasion all the books (tractates) that Schotten brought with him were seized. Moses Schotten justified his actions, stating that he had come only as an agent of his father, Samuel Schotten, from Frankfurt on the Main. If the fair officials had complaints they should bring them to that city. Although Gottschalk was successful in preventing the sale at the fair and the further publication of tractates from this Talmud in Amsterdam ceased in 1717, his victory was short lived. Soon after Judah Aryeh Loeb was able to resume printing in Frankfurt on the Main, publishing a fine and complete Talmud.[28]

III

Frankfurt on the Main Talmud

Printing was relatively late in coming to Frankfurt on the Main, partly due to its proximity to Mainz, an early center of printing. The first Frankfurt printer was Beatus Murner, who printed nine books in 1511-12. Among those nine titles are the first books printed in Frankfurt with Hebrew letters, a 1512 editions of a Birkat ha-Mazon Benedicite Judeorum’ (Hebrew in woodcut) and Hukat ha-Pesach Ritus et celebrate phase judeorum’ by Beatus Murner’s better known brother, Thomas Murner, a Maronite brother and enemy of Martin Luther.

The printing of a significant number of Hebrew books begins in the last decades of the seventeenth century, in about 1675. Four hundred ninety titles, albeit some questionable, are ascribed to Frankfurt in the hundred-year period from 1640 to 1739.[29] Johann Koelner (1708–28), who published a complete Talmud (1720-22) is credited with more than one hundred titles, although that number includes each of the tractates in his edition of the Talmud.[30] This Talmud was initially the completion of the Talmud begun in Amsterdam in 1714 by R. Judah Aryeh Loeb together with Samuel Marches and Joshua de Palasios interrupted by the suit, based on approbations for his edition, brought by Michael Gottschalk

Judah Aryeh Loeb now attempted, successfully, to complete the Talmud he had begun in Amsterdam in Frankfurt on the Main. Given that Gottschalk, based on the approbations he had received for his second Talmud, was able to prevent publication of Judah Aryeh Loeb’s Talmud in Amsterdam, only three years earlier, how was Judah Aryeh Loeb able to publish a complete Talmud only three years later in Frankfurt? Friedberg writes, tersely, that “the eminent, the prominent R. Samson Wertheimer from Vilna, court Jew of Karl VI, influenced him to give Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel av bet din Frankfurt on the Main authorization to print a new edition of the Talmud. The sovereign acceded to his request and authorized publication of the Talmud in Frankfurt from 1720.”[31] Rabbinovicz remarks that the interruption in the work on the Amsterdam edition and the ensuing great expense, as well as the bribes in the courts until Aryeh Leib succeeded, left him in reduced financial condition, until Samson Wertheimer, became involved, making it possible to continue and publish this fine edition.[32]




Fig. 6

Approbations were also published with this Talmud, primarily reprints from the Amsterdam edition and with one new approbation, from R. Jacob ben Benjamin Katz (Poppers, Shav Ya'akov) (1719). Another example of the continuity of the two editions is that the volumes issued in both cities are alike, the title pages showing minor textual variations only, such as the new place of publication, and on some but not all of the Frankfurt tractates, the inclusion of accompanying Latin text, confirming that it was printed in accordance with the text of the censor Marco Marino (Basle Talmud, 1578-81) and variations of the printer’s mark. Whereas the treatises printed in Amsterdam have a new woodcut of the Benveniste printer’s mark, the Frankfurt volumes, although retaining the outer crest with helmet, replace the lion and tower with the double headed eagle of the Hapsburgs (fig. 6).

Printing began in Frankfurt on the Main in 1720 with tractate Kiddushin, it having been anticipated that they would be allowed to bring the tractates printed previously in Amsterdam to Frankfurt. However, this was not permitted, so that they began to print the remainder of the Talmud, beginning with Berakhot completing the Talmud until Kiddushin that year, except for Seder Zera’im and tractate Ta’anit which were printed in 1722. Another possibility, suggested by Rabbinovicz, is that they were allowed to publicly sell the tractates printed in Amsterdam in Germany, but the market for the tractates printed in Frankfurt exceeded expectations, so that, to complete sets of the Talmud it was necessary to reprint those tractates printed earlier in Amsterdam.[33]

IV Aftermath

The next controversy over rival editions of the Talmud occurred with the second printing of the Talmud by the Proops’ press in 1752 – 1765. This edition, published by Solomon Proop’s sons, Joseph, Jacob, and Abraham, is a large, very fine folio edition. Publication was interrupted for several reasons, but primarily due to the publication of rival editions of the Talmud in Sulzbach by Meshullam Zalman Frankel and afterwards by his sons, Aaron and Naphtali, that is, the Sulzbach Red (1755-63) and the Sulzbach Black (1766-70). The first Sulzbach Talmud is known as Sulzbach red because the first title-page in the volume was printed with red ink, in contrast to Sulzbach black, in which the first title-page in the volume is printed entirely in black ink. Both the red and the black are smaller folio and not highly regarded.

Resolution of the dispute between the two publishing houses was settled by a rabbinic court that determined, among its findings, that despite Proops’ prior approbations the Sulzbach printer did not have to desist from publishing, for the Sulzbach Talmud was less expensive and therefore available to individuals who could not afford the larger and finer Amsterdam Talmud, the latter marketed to a more affluent market.

One other dispute of significance, that embroiled leading rabbis in Europe, was over the rival editions of the Talmud printed by the Shapira press in Slavuta and the Romm press in Vilna of their respective editions of the Talmud in 1835. Both the Amsterdam-Sulzbach and Slavuta-Vilna disputes are beyond the scope of this article. However, they, as well as the controversy surrounding the Frankfurt on the Oder and Amsterdam editions of the Talmud, the subject of this article, confirm Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz’s observation as to the negative and disruptive results of restrictive approbations.

Even though the intent in granting approbations was for the good of the community, to insure investors a reasonable return on their investment, the result, as noted above, was detrimental. The Talmud was printed only eight times in the century from 1697 to 1797, and the price of a set of the Talmud was dear. Prior to that the Talmud had been printed several times in Italy and Poland within a relatively short period of time, the primary impediment then being the opposition of the Church and local authorities. After 1797 the use of restrictive approbations declined, with the consequence that within four decades the Talmud was printed nine times, this notwithstanding the Slavuta-Vilna rivalry. Given these controversies and their negative outcomes, perhaps a better course for all would have been to apply Hillel’s admonition in Avot.

Be of the disciples of Aaron, loving peace and pursuing peace.
(Avot 1:12)

[1] L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585-1815, (Leiden, 1984-87), I pp. 45-48, II pp. 237-40, 297.
[2] Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, ed. A. M. Habermann pp. 100, 155-56 (Jerusalem, 1952) [Hebrew].
[3] H. I. Bloom, The Economic Activities of the Jews of Amsterdam (Port Washington, 1969), p. 45.
[4] Concerning individual tractates not printed as part of a Talmud in this period see Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700 to 1750 (Leiden, 1999).
[5] The Benveniste family, distinguished and widespread in Spain and Provence, is mentioned as early as 1079 in documents from Barcelona. After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 the family was widely dispersed, but primarily throughout the Ottoman Empire where many eminent rabbis were named Benvensite. (“Benveniste,” Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 3 (Detroit, 2007. 382. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 4 Jan. 2012).
[6] A. M. Habermann, The History of the Hebrew Book. From Marks to Letters; From Scroll to Book (Jerusalem, 1968), p. 155 [Hebrew].
[7] In addition to the well-known commercial edition, there was also a deluxe edition, measuring 310 x 225 mm. This was brought to my attention by of Daniel Kestenbaum of Kestenbaum and Company.
[8] Concerning the widespread use of the Benveniste device see my “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore XVIII (Cincinnati, 1993), pp. 3-14, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Brill, Leiden/Boston, 2008), pp. 54-71. Parenthetically, among the first to employ the Benveniste escutcheon on a tractate title-page was the press of Asher Anshel ben Eliezer Chazzen and Issachar Ber ben Abraham Eliezer of Minden in their edition of Bava Batra (1702). Their other tractate, Bava Mezia (1699) does not have the Benveniste escutcheon.
[9] Rabbinovicz, pp. 95-6.
[10] Rabbinovicz, p. 129 no. 1. Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel, Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri: Hagahot u-Megihim (Ramat-Gan, 1996), pp. 404-05 [Hebrew] adds that the Vilna Gaon learned from and made annotations on the Berlin – Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud of 1715-23. 
[12] Selma Stern, The Court Jew. A Contribution to the History of Absolutism in Central Europe (Philadelphia, 1950), pp. 55-59.
[13] Friedberg. History of Hebrew Typography of the following Cities in Central Europe: Altona, Augsberg, Berlin, Cologne, Frankfort M., Frankfort O., Fürth, Hamberg, Hanau, Heddernheim, Homberg, Ichenhausen, Neuwied, Wandsbeck, and Wilhermsdorf. Offenbach, Prague, Sulzbach, Thannhausen from its beginning in the year 1513 (Antwerp, 1935), p. 37 [Hebrew].
[14] Manfred R. Lehmann, “Behrend Lehmann: The King of the Court Jews” In: Sages and Saints, ed. Leo Jung (Hoboken, 1987), p. 205; Ya’akov Loyfer, Mi-Shontsino ve-ad Ṿilna (Jerusalem: ha-Modia, 2012), p. 139 [Hebrew].
[15] A highly regarded engraver, Martin Bernigeroth is known to have done as many as 1600 engravings, many portraits. His sons, John Martin (1713-1767) and Johann Benedict (1716-1764), were also worked noted engravers. Concerning the former see, Joseph Strutt, A Biographical Dictionary, containing an historical account of all the engravers, from the earliest period of the art of engraving to the present time, and a short list of their most esteemed works . . . I (London, 1785), p. 88.
[16] Avraham Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books, (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 63, 130 no. 47 [Hebrew]; Yaari, Printers’ Marks, pp. 49, 152 no. 78.
[17] Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks (Jerusalem, 1943), pp. 50, 152 no. 79 [Hebrew]; Marvin J. Heller, “Mirror-image Monograms as Printers’ Devices on the Title Pages of Hebrew Books Printed in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Printing History 40. Rochester, N. Y., 2000, pp. 2-11, reprinted in Studies, pp. 36-38, 363, figs. 21-23.
[18]  Menahem Schmelzer, “Hebrew Printing and Publishing in Germany, 1650-1750,” in Leo Baeck Institute Year Book XXXIII (London, Jerusalem, New York, 1988), p. 375.
[19] “That which a rabbinic court declares ownerless is ownerless’ is discussed in Yevamot 89b, Gittin 36b and Jerusalem Talmud Shekalim 3a. The source for this concept is Ezra 10:8 “And anyone who will not come within three days, as according to the counsel of the princes and the elders, all his property will be forfeited and he will be separated from the congregation of the captivity.”
[20] Institut für angewandte Geschichte – Gessellschaft und Wissenschaft im Dialog e. V. http://www.juedischesfrankfurtvirtuell.de/en/en_C.php
[21] Friedberg, Central Europe, pp. 40-41; William Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New York, 1899, reprint New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), pp. 111-12.
[22] Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the following Cities in Europe: Amsterdam, Antwerp, Avignon, Basle, Carlsruhe, Cleve, Coethen, Constance, Dessau, Deyhernfurt, Halle, Isny, Jessnitz, Leyden, London, Metz, Strasbourg, Thiengen, Vienna, Zurich. From its beginning in the year 1516, (Antwerp, 1937), p. 43[Hebrew].
[23] Friedberg, Central Europe, pp 44-45; William Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New York, 1899, reprint New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), p. 115.
[24] Friedberg, Amsterdam, p. 43.
[25] Rabbinovicz, p. 101.
[26] James Westfall Thompson, The Frankfort Book Fair. The Francofordiense Emporium of Henri Estiene: Edited with Historical Introduction Original Latin Text with English Translation on Opposite Pages and Notes (Chicago, 1911, republished New York, 1968), pp. 10-11, 15, 42.
[27] Jewish attendance at book fairs appears to have been common place. It was at the Frankfurt on the Main book fair in 1577 that Ambrosius Froben met R. Simon Guenzburg (Simon zur Gemze) of Frankfurt, a meeting that eventually culminated in the Basle Talmud (1578-81). Concerning this see my Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest Printed Editions of the Talmud (Brooklyn, 1992), p. 244-45.
[28] Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 46.
[29] Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book. Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters Since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993-95), pp. 579-90 [Hebrew].
[30] Vinograd, I p. 459.
[31] Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 67.
[32] Rabbinovicz, p. 111.
[33] Rabbinovicz, pp. 109-10.

The First Artichoke Controversy of 2012

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The First Artichoke Controversy of 2012
By Leor Jacobi

Recently a kashrut controversy surrounding traditional Italian fried artichokes has received major media coverage in the New York Times and the Seforim Blog (twice, in chronological order, not order of importance).  In order to prove the antiquity of Jewish artichoke consumption, depictions of artichokes in medieval illuminated haggadot have been adduced. These were the topic of a lesser-known artichoke controversy in 2012 here in the comments section of the Seforim Blog, which can be as nasty and difficult to find as artichoke bugs.

The Controversy: Do Catalonian medieval Haggadot portray maror as an artichoke? Were artichokes actually consumed in fulfillment of the rabbinic requirement to consume bitter herbs found in the Mishnah and Tosefta?


"Brother Haggadah", BL Oriental 1404, f. 18

Here's the story behind the scenes as it occurred in real time, during the Pessah season of 2012. I was scheduled to deliver a talk on chrayn at a rabbinic conference on the Hebrew language organized by Yitzhak Frank on April 10, Chol ha-Moed Pessah. In the course of some late preparatory research (= Googling) on April 5 (13 Nissan, the day of bedikat chametz) I came across a fascinating responsum on maror by David Golinkin that had just been published on April 2, 2012.  Struck by the reliance on visual evidence from illustrated manuscripts in establishing a medieval custom to consume artichokes as maror, I sent the post to Marc Michael Epstein of Vassar College for comment. Within an hour he replied:

I don't believe the Sephardic mss show an artichoke, rather they depict an entire head of romaine lettuce. The way to prove or disprove this would be to compare contemporary or roughly contemporary botanical mss.

I immediately began "intensive research" (= more Googling) and discovered that the artichoke question was (probably first) posed by Yoel Finkelman and his parents in 2005. Significantly, they already collected the three examples cited by Golinkin: the RylandsBrother, and Sarajevo Haggadot. Finkelman states that his father circulated the query widely.


Rylands Haggadah, 1988 facsimile edition, f. 31v

The next day, April 6, Erev Pessah, I emailed Golinkin directly, requesting sources for his identifications. He replied on the same day that artichokes are definitely depicted in the three illuminated haggadot and that artichokes were probably identified as one of the five plant species mentioned in the Mishnah (Pesahim 2:6). Indeed, in Golinkin's own post of April 2:

Rabbi Natan ben Yehiel of Rome (1035-ca. 1110) says in his Talmudic dictionary  (ed. Kohut, Vol. 8, p. 245) that tamkha is cardo, which is cardoon. Prof. Feliks says that this is carduus argentatus or silver thistle, while Dr. Schaffer says that it is cynara cardunculus or artichoke thistle.


Cardoon Artichoke Thistle. a painting by Elizabeth H Tudor

So, textual and visual evidence interlock to support the conclusion that artichokes were used as Maror. However, the textual evidence is weak. Sefer Ha’arukh is a dictionary, not a responsum, a legal code or a gloss to one, like Hagahot Maimoniyot which identifies tamkha as horseradish - chrayn, associated with an actual custom. The definition of Ha'arukh is not a singular, definitive identification  (yesh 'omrimmarrobio, another species, also Rashi's identification), and according to Prof. Jehudah Feliks cardo does not describe artichokes at all.


Opposite this scanty textual evidence stands a mountain of Rabbinic silence. As far as I am aware, nowhere in any codes, Haggadas, commentaries, or anywhere else do we find even a hint that artichokes were ever used as maror. There are limits to what can be learned ex silentio but we are discussing thousands of sources. If artichokes were used, we would expect a mention somewhere.

As for the visual information, we have "two witnesses and three witnesses”: The Rylands and Brother Haggadahs should be considered one witness because one is copied from the other. Bezalel Narkiss designated the name "The Brother Haggadah" (along with a lot of other names of Haggadah, most of which have stuck, for better or worse) because it is the "brother" copied from the Rylands Haggadah. According to Katrin Kogman-Appel, the Brother was more likely the original from which the Rylands was copied. For our purposes, the direction of the copying makes no difference. Just as the Rosh and Tur can't really be counted as two legal authorities, these two sources are reflections of one another. What about the other witness, the Sarajevo Haggadah?

I do not think that there is even a remote possibility that the Sarajevo Haggadah depicts an artichoke:


The leaves are ridged but all species of artichoke leaves are smooth save for the thorn in the middle. An artist whose intention was to depict artichokes would not draw them in this manner. Moreover, Epstein, (in personal correspondence) adds that the “artichoke” leaves are “veined” like lettuce leaves, and bound together with a cord at the base.


Israeli Artichoke, Photo: Leor Jacobi, April 20, 2012

The same day, April 6, Erev Pessah, I communicated my skepticism back to Golinkin, especially regarding the depiction in the Sarajevo Haggadah.  Golinkin's April 2 post had already inspired creative contemporary midrash by April 9 (the truth of which in revealing hidden aspects of the divine plan should be judged independently of the historical claims.) Clearly these progressive folk placed artichokes on their seder plate on seder night, April 6 or 7, 2012, and were already expounding homiletically on the custom they had only learned about on April 2 at the earliest. Epstein notes that this an excellent example in “real time" of a minhag in development thanks to what he calls “the heter of the Internet."

I gave the Chrayn talk on April 10 and the very next day, April 11, a long and fascinating Seforim blog post by Dan Rabinowitz was published, wherein, inter alia, he stated:

In the Brother to the Rylands Haggadah, marror is depicted as an artichoke, as is in the case with the Sarajevo Haggadah.

Golinkin wasn't cited but I suspect that his April 2 post is the source —  perhaps serendipity. After some discussion in the comments, Marc Epstein wrote:

Rabbosai (and Marasai): A manuscript is NOT a mirror. Jews depict themselves in their art (or commission art that depicts them) not as they were, but as they desired to be seen. Please please please do not engage in the typical Wissenschaft strategy of looking at illuminated manuscripts for "clues to Jewish life in the Middle Ages" or even to Jewish history. What we can learn from them is histoire des Mentalites, but even that takes a lot of work to get to.

Re: the "artichoke": I don't believe the Sephardic mss show an artichoke, rather they depict an entire head of romaine lettuce. The way to prove or disprove this would be to compare contemporary or roughly contemporary botanical mss. It may have been "misunderstood" by some illuminators as an artichoke, but not corrected by the recipients of the manuscript because if you are not looking for an artichoke it seems totally absurd that an artichoke would be used as maror, You don't SEE an artichoke, but a head of Romaine lettuce, no matter how "artichoke-like" it seems to us in 5772.

Also, because a head of Romaine is SHOWN in the haggadah it doesn't mean that there a head of (possible unchecked-for-bugs) Romaine on the table. Every image is not a snapshot, but a representation — a combination of the real, the general, the ideal and the symbolic. Showing the head is a way of REPRESENTING Romaine — it says, "We use a type of lettuce that grows with leaves together in a head like this." It does NOT necessarily mean "We use complete heads of Romaine at the Seder, like this." Do you see the difference? A representation must shorthand its descriptions for clarity: If you showed individual artichoke leaves, for instance, it would be difficult to ascertain that the plant was an artichoke. Artichoke leaves are shaped like baby spinach leaves, though baby spinach is more pliable. If a leaf of that shape was shown, what would distinguish the artichoke leaves? Showing an artichoke in its entire, thistly configuration makes it indisputable that it is an artichoke.

Epstein's points are compelling. How does one portray lettuce in an illustration? For example, this modern lettuce clip-art isn't much more lettuce-like than the illustration in the Brother Haggadah:


After Pessah, on April 22, I received an additional reply from Golinkin with more sources. The entry for maror in the first edition of Encyclopedia Judaica was written by Jehudah Feliks (pp. 1014-5). The entry includes an image of the maror depiction from the Sarajevo Haggadah with a caption:


According to this astounding caption, lettuce is depicted in the Sarajevo Haggadah but the claim is that it can still be supposed that the artichoke-like shape of the lettuce reflects an old custom of eating artichokes as maror. This custom had already been lost in the 14th century, but was preserved in the form of illustrations of maror in haggadot! (We find something similar in the illustrations of maror in the Prague Haggadah. According to Rav Peles, the custom of pointing at the wife when stating “this bitter[ness/Bitter Herb]” had already disappeared, but was preserved in the caption to themaror illustration in the Haggadah; see also here). However, note that above, in Golinkin's post, Feliks did not identify the Arukh's cardo as artichokes. It is not entirely clear that Feliks composed this caption. Bezalel Narkiss served as IIlustrations Consultant on the first edition (sadly most illustrations were cut from the second edition, including this one and the caption).



As Narkiss was then the acknowledged expert in medieval illuminated manuscripts, it stands to reason that he may have either selected the illustration or wrote the caption, either alone or in consultaion with Feliks. In any case, the author(s) of the caption maintain that lettuce is depicted even if the rest of their proposal is extremely speculative.

For the Rylands Haggadah, Golinkin cited the Raphael Loewe facsimile, Steimatzky, 1988: "The bitter herb is intended to be lettuce, despite its artichoke-like compactness." This pithy source contradicts Golinkin's identification, and suggests a practical explanation for this lettuce design.

As for the Brother Haggadah, Golinkin wrote that he learned about this from an expert on Jewish art. However, as far as I can tell this expert does not deal primarily with interpretation of medieval art. Theories are tested by evidence. Thus, it remains that if someone wishes to argue that these images depict artichokes the best way to advance the thesis would be by means of comparisons with contemporary illustrations of artichokes, as Marc Epstein advises.

Finally, an image of maror from the Barcelona Haggadah, folio 62, illustrates how creative illustrations of lettuce (?) could get and how dangerous it would be to try to learn history from them as if they were snapshots.


Adapted from Evelyn Cohen's description in the facsimile volume:

Verso, The scribe left almost the whole of the page for a depiction of the bitter herbs, but the crude illustration we now see was not executed in the Middle Ages, although it may have been based on models from the fourteenth century. The vegetable, commonly portrayed in a highly stylized manner, was no longer understandable to the later artist, and the red holder with which it is sometimes shown seems to have been misunderstood by the artist, who interpreted it as a red crescent.

The post-medieval illustrator here may have utilized haggadah depictions of artichoky lettuce as a model and was probably as bewildered by them as we are.  In note 39 Cohen lists the Hispano-Moresque, Graziano, Golden, and Sister Haggadas as displaying maror holders. The matzot in these haggadot look nothing like real matzot, with elaborate color and geometric designs. The entire maror holder could be a design element in this vein, so that the maror is grounded and not floating in space.


Graziano Haggadah




Sister Haggadah


'Hispano-Moresque' Haggadah


Golden Haggadah

Epstein adds (personal correspondence) that we should be wary of concluding on the basis of these images that Jews of Medieval Spain had actual red maror holders. They may have developed from an earlier model like the Golden Haggadah, which only meant to portray a reddish-yellow color which develops towards the base:

I certainly hope enterprising Judaica forgers, the creators of “Marrano cups” and such don’t get wind of this, or appraisers, experts and curators will have a whole new wave of fake “authentic" pre-Expulsion Sephardi ritual items to deal with. Indeed Romaine lettuce is most suitable for maror because it generates increasing bitterness the longer one chews the leaves, and the closer one gets to that all-important base. Romaine is appropriate for maror in metaphoric terms: like the servitude in Egypt, which started out as a “public works” project with the full participation even of Pharaoh, and ended up as the most abject of slavery, a torture inflicted exclusively upon the Israelites. When one first begins to chew the leaves Romaine lettuce, one could think one was eating a lovely salad. More chewing, and getting eventually to the lower “spine,” however, makes the experience increasingly bitter. The rabbis understood that unlike the consistent blast of heat one experiences with horseradish and other truly bitter plants, it is in the initially non-bitter, even pleasant, but then the increasing nature of the bitterness of Romaine that the precise metaphor for the Egyptian servitude is experienced.

It is notable that per Kogman Appel’s dating, the Golden Haggadah is earlier (c. 1320) than some of the examples brought above (c. 1350-), and may have served as their model in some sense, including the fact that whatever we are seeing, (whether the “veins” in a single lettuce leaf, or the ruffled leaves in the head when cut open and depicted laterally, like the Chinese cabbage shown below,) gives the leaf/leaves a  “spiky” appearance. (If there is a lateral view here, the question, of course, is why such a view was taken. Most authorities prefer whole Romaine leaves for maror, so a view “cutting through” the head might be confusing, although some advocate the consumption of only, or primarily the spines.)


The more I think about it, although links and distinctions have been made between the opening sequence of biblical narrative illuminations in the Golden, Sister and Sarajevo Haggadot and the Rylands/Brother Haggadot, the TEXT illustrations (matzahmaror etc.) may have more mutual influence and cross-influence, and relate also to those in the Barcelona Haggadah and others. Since the GH was earlier than the Sarajevo, Rylands/Brother Haggadot, the image of the maror there, clearly— though stylized—Romaine may have influenced, been misunderstood by the artists of the later ms. In other words, the veiny (or the lateral, or side-viewed, rippling) leaves of Romaine could have been mistaken for the “spiky” leaves of an artichoke and thus been illustrated. (The Sarajevo artist, for instance, depicted the “artichoke” leaves not only as serrated but with “veins” more typical of lettuce.)

The Sarajevo, Rylands/Brother ARTISTS  misunderstanding the [veined single lettuce leaf or laterally viewed or cut head of] lettuce in the Golden Haggadah or a similar model, might have thought they were illustrating an artichoke. The PATRONS did not “correct” this because OBVIOUSLY the vegetable could not have been an artichoke as there was no massoret of the use of that vegetable for maror. There for they accepted the “artichoke” of the artists as the “lettuce” of halakhah.

While we can never recover the actual conversation that precipitated the visual result, both consideration of the near-instantaneous creation via “the heter of the Internet” of the minhag of placing artichokes on the seder plate, and the spinning of homiletics around that minhag;  and the invention of the “maror holder”are reflections—within our present conversation!—of the kinds of transmission problems ever present in such conversations in any time or place. This whole adventure has, for me, been very important in thinking about artist-patron relationships.

Cohen adds an interesting point (personal correspondence):

I found other manuscripts where there was a blank space where the image of the maror should have been placed, while all the other areas left blank by the scribe contained illustrations. This lead me to believe that the appearance of the maror was sometimes customized based on the minhag of the patron, who for whatever reason never had it added.

These are fascinating questions. The goal of the artists was to produce art which resonated with their patrons symbolically and aesthetically. By misinterpreting these images as snapshots of historical reality, we can invent artichokes and maror holders. One could just as well conclude that it was customary to only sit on one side of the Seder table!

Fast forward to May, 2018, we find ourselves embroiled in a new artichoke controversy and the Seforim Blog is back with artichokes in the Haggadah. This is a fascinating little post on kashrut and custom, but nothing about ancient or medieval practices can be proven from these sources. A follow-up post based on textual sources by Susan Weingarten, an expert on foods in antiquity (and incidentally, the sister of Elihu Shanun, who also spoke at the rabbinic conference on April 10, 2012 which started us off) provides a much more reliable textual path towards establishing the antiquity of artichoke consumption.

In summary, there is no evidence that Jews ever ate artichokes to fulfill the obligation of consuming maror on the Passover Eve. Maybe b'shas hadahak, but who knows? The textual evidence and visual evidence don't support each other to advance a radical historical claim. However, artichokes are delicious and, if clean, Kosher for Pessah. Jews very likely did consume them historically wherever they were found.

Thanks to: Marc Epstein, David Golinkin, Evelyn Cohen, Sara Offenberg, Moshe Glass.  and Jean Guetta. I also wish to acknowledge the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture for their support.

New Book sale 2018 : Part One

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New Book sale 2018 : Part One
By Eliezer Brodt
This list consists of a few parts. Many of these titles are very hard to find. Some of the prices are better than others, but all in all I think they are fair. Almost all the books are either brand new or in good shape. Email your order to eliezerbrodt@gmail.com. I will than send you a bill based on what is available. Payment is with Pay Pal, but other arrangements can be made. Shipping is not included in the price; that depends on the order and size of the book. All books will be air mailed out after I receive payment. There are other shipping possibilities available depending on quantity of books.
Some of the titles are only available at these prices for the next few days.
For every 5 titles purchased there is a 10 percent discount [not including the shipping] [a set counts as one title].
Feel free to ask for details about any specific book on the list. All questions should be sent to me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.comthank you and enjoy.
Part of the proceeds of this sale will be going to help support the efforts of the Seforim Blog.


  1. מבחר כתבים, ר'מתתיהו שטראשון $25
  2. עלי תמר, מועד, ג'חלקים 45$
  3. משניות ספראי, כל חלק $25
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  15. מלמד התלמידים $33
  16. ר'שמואל אריאל, נטע בתוכנו, פרקים ביסידות תורה שבעל פה, ב'חלקים, $36 [ניתן לקבל תוכן]
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  19. אסופה, ארבעה מאמרים מאוצרות ר'שמואל אשכנזי, 13$
  20. ר'יחיאל גולדהבר, קונדיטון[לשאלת החרם על ספרד, אסון הטיטאניק מנקודת מבטו של העולם היהודי] 15$
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  23. יוסף תבורי, פסח דורות, $20
  24. ליקוטי אליעזר, אליעזר בראדט, 9$
  25. בין כסה לעשור, אליעזר בראדט, 14$
  26. שמואל קרויס, פרס ורומי בתלמוד ובמדרשים, $15
  27. נטועים כ [חומר חשוב], 283 עמודים $12
  28. אהל רא"ם, רשימת כתבי היד באוצר הספרים של רבי אברהם מרדכי אלתר האדמו"ר מגור, $46
  29. מנהגי הקהילות, ב'חלקים, ר'יחיאל גולדהבר, 26$ [מצוין]
  30. חנוך אלבק, מבוא לתלמודים $25
  31. עלי יסיף, סיפורי בן סירא בימי הביניים, $30
  32. ספר הפרדס, תלמיד הרשב"א $10
  33. משה דוד קאסוטו, בעריכת ראובן בונפיל, $14
  34. גנוזות חלק א $11
  35. גנוזות חלק ב $11
  36. תורת הלשון של מנחם בן סרוק $23
  37. אמנון בזק, עד היום הזה [שאלות יסוד בלימוד תנ"ך] חומר חשוב 24$
  38. מגילת תענית [יצחק בן צבי] 22$
  39. חרבא דמשה, מהדיר יובל הררי, 23$
  40. בין יוספוס לחז"ל, ב'חלקים, בעריכת ורד נעם ועוד, $50
  41. הגות והשלמות מכת"י מסכת נדרים, מכון תלמוד הישראלי [כולל הגהות של רבי בצלאל אשכנזי ועוד], 18$
  42. יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, הגהות ומגיהים $50
  43. יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, בשערי הדפוס $20
  44. יעקב שמואל שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות ספר העברי, הדר המחבר, $20
  45. יעקב שמואל שפיגל (מהדיר), וישמע קולי, $20
  46. פירוש רש"י למסכת ראש השנה [על פי כ"י], מהדיר אהרן ארנד, $22
  47. ספר הההשגה; הוא כתאב אלמסתלחק לר'יונה אבן-ג'נאח, מהדורת ד'טנא וא'ממן, 26$
  48. כתבי ר'משה אבן תבון בעריכת: חיים קרייסל, קולט סיראט, אברהם ישראל24$
  49. דרשות ר'זרחיה הלוי סלדין [תלמיד של ר'קרשקש], מהדיר: ארי אקרמן$21
  50. לוית חן לר'לוי בן אברהם, סתרי האמונה, שער ההגדה [מהדיר: חיים קרייסל], [כרך ד] 28$
  51. חמשה קדמוני מפרשי ר'אברהם אבן עזרא, $30
  52. ספר פתרון תורה, מהדיר: אפרים אלימלך אורבך, $25
  53. ר'שמואל ואלדבערג, דרכי השינויים, מחקר על דרכי מדרש הכתובים בספר חז"ל, [דפוס מקור] 28$
  54. הרב אברהם יצחק הכהן קוק, לנבוכי הדור, [חדש] 22$
  55. שו"ת הרמ"א מהד'אשר זיו, $35
  56. ספר המצרף, ביאורים והגהות לאגדות חז"ל, אברהם דובזויץ, (דפוס צילום, אודעסא תרל"ו) 9$
  57. אהרן אשכולי, החסידות בפולין, $18
  58. אמנון רז-קרקוצקין, הצנזור הערוך והטקסט, הצנזורה הקתולית והדפוס העברי במאה השש עשרה, $15
  59. שמחה עמנואל, שברי לוחות, ספרים אבודים של בעלי התוספות' , $25
  60. אוצר ראשונים, מועד קטן, [שיטה לתלמידו של רבינו יחיאל מפאריש, תוס'רא"ש] $21
  61. מסלות לתורת התנאים, [שלשה מאמרים, ר'דוד צבי הופמן, ר'חיים האראוויט, ר'ישראל לוי] $20
  62. הרמ"א, אשר זיו $50
  63. רבי אשתורי הפרחי, חלוץ חוקרי ארץ ישראל, (קובץ מחקרים), $25
  64. שו"ת שארית יוסף $30
  65. מחזור גולדשמידט, סוכות $25
  66. אוסף הגדות [שבע: מלבי"ם, זכר יהוסף, אמרי שפר, מעשה נסים, מעשה בר'אלעזר, מגדל עדר, צורף אמרים], $20
  67. ספר וסייף - כרמולי $28
  68. מחזור גולדשמידט, ראש השנה-יום כיפור $80
  69. דבר אברהם, חלק דרוש $24
  70. שרשי מנהג אשכנז, כרך א, $24
  71. תפארת צבי חלק ה $25
  72. תפארת צבי חלק ג $25
  73. הלכות הנגיד $23
  74. סידור כוונת האריזל שנת תקמ"א $23
  75. נצח ישראל $21
  76. עלי חלדי $24
  77. שמואל פין, קריה נאמנה $36
  78. ספרי זוטא, ליברמן $22
  79. חכמת לב, עולמם של חז"ל, ספר זיכרון ליפה הקר, $17
  80. מקראות יתרו $25
  81. מקראות משפטים $25
  82. אמרות טהורות, [מהדיר ר'יעקב סטל] $22
  83. סודי חומש ושאר, [מהדיר ר'יעקב סטל] $14
  84. דרשות לימי התשובה, [מהדיר ר'יעקב סטל] $10
  85. תשובות ה'רוקח', [מהדיר ר'יעקב סטל] $14
  86. ר'יעקב ישראל סטל, סגולה $18
  87. מחזור גולדשמידט, פסח $24
  88. מחזור גולדשמידט, שבועות $24
  89. ארץ ישראל בהגות היהודית בעת החדשה, בעריכת אביעזר רביצקי, $22
  90. שלמה שרגאי, בהיכל איזביצא-לובלין $16
  91. מחזות של הרמח"ל ג'חלקים: מעשה שמשון \ לישרים תהילה \ מגדל עוז $35
  92. ר'בצלאל לנדוי, מסע מירון, $16 [מהדורה חדשה]
  93. יצחק גייגר, היציאה מהשטעטל, רבני הציונות הדתית אל מול אתגר הריבונות היהודית $21
  94. שמא פרידמן, לתורתם של תנאים, $21
  95. אופיר מינץ מנור, הפיוט הקדום אוניברסיטת תל אביב, $18
  96. גרשום שלום, זרמים ראשיים במיסטיקה היהודית $22
  97. מור אלטשולר, חיי מרן יוסף קארו, $20
  98. ורד טוהר, חיבור המעשיות והמדרשות וההגדות (פירארה שי"ד) $21
  99. רוני ויינשטיין שברו את הכלים, הקבלה והמודרניות היהודית, $20
  100. צבי אקשטיין ומריסטלה בוטיצ'יני, המיעוט הנבחר, כיצד עיצב הלימוד את ההיסטוריה הכלכלית של היהודים 70-1492, $18
  101. מנחה ליהודה, יהודה תיאודור ועריכתם של מדרשי האגדה הארץ ישראליים, תמר קדרי $24
  102. ר'משה אהרוני, פיוטי הלכה ומנהג לחג הפסח $16
  103. יהושע פישל שניאורסון, הרופא והפילוסוף, $21
  104. נחמה ליבוביץ ומשה ארנד, פירוש רש"י לתורה עיונים בשיטתו ב'כרכים $25
  105. מסורת התנ"ך, ר'חיים הלר, תורה $20
  106. שולמית אליצור, פיוטי רבי פינחס הכהן, $25
  107. שולמית אליצור, מחזורי שבעתות לסדרים ולפרשיות, $22
  108. שולמית אליצור, למה צמנו, $23
  109. לוית חן, מעשה מרכבה, $23+
  110. לוית חן, מעשה בראשית, $23
  111. שרה יפה, רשב"ם על שיר השירים, $23
  112. אהבה בתענוגים, לר'משה בן יהודה ,$23
  113. אברהם שמואל הירשברג, משפט הישוב החדש בארץ ישראל $17
  114. יעקב ברנאי, יהודי ארץ ישראל במאה הי"ח בחסות פקידי קושטא $20
  115. ר'מנשה בן ישראל, מקוה ישראל, תשועת ישראל [בעריכת מנחם דורמן), $18
  116. ריכב רובין, צורת הארץ, ארץ ישראל במפה העברית מרש"י ועד ראשית המאה העשרים, $35
  117. מוטי בנמלך, שלמה מולכו, חייו ומותו של משיח בן יוסף, $23
  118. נעמה וילוז'ני, שערות לילות וקרני אשמדאי, דמות וצורה במאגיה ובאמנות העממית בין בבל לארץ ישראל בשלהי העת העתיקה, $23
  119. קיימי קפלן, עמרם בלוי - עולמו של מנהיג נטורי קרתא, $23
  120. ספר הכוזרי, תרגום מיכאל שורץ, $21
  121. אברהם גרוסמן, תמורות בחברה היהודית בימי הביניים, $27
  122. ירון צור, גבירים ויהודים אחרים במזרח התיכון העות'מאני 1750-1830, $21
  123. התפילה בישראל: היבטים חדשים, בעריכת אורי ארליך, $21
  124. מדרשי גאולה, בעריכת יהודה אבן שמואל, עם מבוא מאת עודד עיר שי, $34
  125. זאב גריס, הספר העברי פרקים לתולדותיו, $26
  126. אסף ידידיה, לגדל תרבות עבריה, חייו ומשנתו של זאב יעבץ, $20
  127. משנת הזוהר, כרך המפתחות, $21
  128. אסף ידידיה, ביקורת מבוקרת $21
  129. נאוה וסרמן, מימי לא קראתי לאשתי, זוגיות בחסידות גור, $20
  130. יחוסי תנאים ואמוראים, מוסד רב קוק $60
  131. יהודה פליקס, שיר השירים, טבע עלילה ואליגוריה, (תשל"ד), 32$
  132. מעיין החיים, דברי חיים והחת"ס, מהדורה שניה $5
  133. זהר עמר, בעקבות תולעת השני הארץ ישראלית, 14$
  134. ערים ואמהות בישראל, חלק ז, פרשבורג $15
  135. Hakirah volume 17 $6
  136. Y. BarZilay, Manasseh of Ilya $24
  137. יצחק בער, ישראל בעמים, עיונים בתולדות ימי הבית השני, ותקופת המשנה וביסודות ההלכה והאמונה, 10$
  138. סדר זמנים לר'יצחק אייזיק חבר $13
  139. ספונות סדרה חדשה, כרך יז 15$
  140. ר'בנימין פרידמן, מקור התפלות, על סדר התפילה $11
  141. מאיר צבי בניה, משה אלמושנינו איש שלוניקי פועלו ויצירתו, $19
  142. דב רפל, הרמב"ם כמחנך $19
  143. דב רפל, פתחי שערים, עיונים ומחקרים על נושא התפילה $19
  144. י'בן ששון, משנתו העיונית של בעל המשך חכמה $19
  145. זבולון בוארון, גירושי סו"ף (ספרד ופורטוגל) השתקפותם בביאורי של ר'אברהם סבע $19
  146. נסים אליקים, שיטתו הפרשנית של רש"י על פי פירושו לתורה $19
  147. נסים אליקים, לב מידות בפירוש רש"י לתורה והמילה המנחה $19
  148. יוסף היינימן, התפילה בתקופת התנאים והאמוראים [כריכה קשה] $25
  149. שלחן שלמה \ פסקי תשובה א-ג $10
  150. פירוש רש"י למסכת מועד קטן [מהד'קופפר], $7
  151. מעלות היוחסין מאת ר'אפרים זלמן מרגליות עם הערות 10$
  152. משה הלברטל, על דרך האמת, הרמב"ן ויצירתה של מסורת $25
  153. קובץ על יד כרך ד (תשו) סדרה חדשה $30
  154. בתורתו של ר'גדליה $28
  155. אור ה' (מהדורות הרב פישר) $26
  156. שו"ת שבעה עינים, [פולמסים בין ר'שלמה קלוגר ור'אלעזר לנדא] $23
  157. התקוה על הגבול, זיכרונות ר'מרדכי בורר $15
  158. פסיקתא רבתי, מהדורת איש שלום $13
  159. נפתלי בן מנחם, בשערי ספר $18
  160. א"א אורבך, בעלי התוספות (ב'חלקים), $26
  161. וילנסקי, חסידים ומתנגדים, $26
  162. ר'דוד פארדו, למנצח לדוד $20
  163. משנת ארץ ישראל, ספראי, כתובות, ב'חלקים $40
  164. שרה יפת, בשוב ה'את שיבת ציון היינו כחולמים, ב'חלקים, $32

Gems from Rav Herzog’s Archive (Part 2): Sanhedrin, Dateline, the Rav on Kahane, and More

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Gems from Rav Herzog’s Archive (Part 2):
Sanhedrin, Dateline, the Rav on Kahane, and More

By Yaacov Sasson

This post continues from Part 1, here.

V Renewal of Sanhedrin

Another important file in Rav Herzog’s archive is his file on the renewal of Semicha and the Sanhedrin.[1] Among other letters, the file contains an unpublished letter from Rav Herzog to R’ Yehuda Leib Maimon regarding the issue. R’ Maimon was a well-known Mizrachi leader, the first Minister of Religion of the State of Israel, and the most vocal advocate of renewing the Sanhedrin. To that end, he wrote a series of articles on the topic in Ha-Tzofeh and Sinai, which he collected into a book in 1950, entitled Chidush Ha-Sanhedrin BeMedinateinu Hamechudeshet. Renewal of Semicha and Sanhedrin was of course not without opponents. Rav Herzog instructs R’ Maimon to proceed slowly and with caution, as there are a number of unresolved issues regarding renewal of Semicha which require great care and deliberation.

There were two main halachic objections to the renewal of Semicha. The first (not mentioned here by Rav Herzog) is based on the language of the Rambam in Sanhedrin 4:11, the very same halacha in which he suggests the possibility of the renewal of Semicha. The Rambam writes there:

נראין לי הדברים שאם הסכימו כל החכמים שבארץ ישראל למנות דיינין ולסמוך אותן הרי אלו סמוכין ויש להן לדון דיני קנסות ויש להן לסמוך לאחרים אם כן למה היו החכמים מצטערין על הסמיכה כדי שלא ייבטלו דיני קנסות מישראל לפי שישראל מפוזרין ואי אפשר שיסכימו כולן ואם היה שם סמוך מפי סמוך אינו צריך דעת כולן אלא דן דיני קנסות לכל שהרי נסמך מפי בית דין והדבר צריך הכרע.

The intention of the Rambam in his concluding words, Ve-hadavar tzarich hechrea, has been the subject of dispute for hundreds of years, going back to the dispute of the Mahari Beirav and the Ralbach, with some authorities believing that the Rambam was mesupak whether Semicha could in fact be renewed. A novel approach to the issue was suggested by Dr. Bernard Revel in an article in Chorev, Volume 5 (1939). Dr. Revel suggested the possibility that the final three words, Ve-hadavar tzarich hechrea, are not be the words of the Rambam himself, but were added later by another person who disagreed with the Rambam’s innovation.[2] Dr. Revel cited statements of other rishonim which he believed supported his theory. R’ Maimon addressed this issue in the introduction to his book, in the footnote, writing that the three words, Ve-hadavar tzarich hechrea, do not appear in “kama kitvei yad” (several manuscripts), thus supporting Dr. Revel’s hypothesis.

































However, there is no evidence that any such manuscripts actually exist. The Frankel edition of the Rambam does not cite any alternate nusach that excludes these three words. Additionally, Professor Eliav Schochetman[3] wrote nearly 30 years ago that he found no evidence of any such manuscript in the numerous manuscripts that he consulted from across the world.


































There are two potential explanations to what happened here. One potential explanation is that R’ Maimon simply lied about the existence of these kitvei yad in order to advance his agenda of renewing the Sanhedrin. Alternatively, Rabbi Eliyahu Krakowski has suggested a limud zchut – perhaps R’ Maimon forgot what Dr. Revel had written and mistakenly believed that Dr. Revel had uncovered manuscripts supporting his thesis[4], or he never saw it himself and was misinformed as to what Dr. Revel wrote, in which case R’ Maimon would be guilty of carelessness rather than dishonesty.

The second major halachic objection to the renewal of Semicha is the issue of the Samuch’s qualifications. The Rambam in Sanhedrin 4:8 writes that a Samuch must be rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula, capable of ruling on the entire Torah. Rav Herzog mentions in this letter to R’ Maimon that the Ralbach objected to renewal of Semicha on the grounds that no one is rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula. (This was also the position of the Radvaz, in his commentary on Sanhedrin 4:11.) Rav Herzog adds that if he said so in his generation, anan aniyey de-aniyey mah na’ane abatrei? Rav Herzog then makes a somewhat novel suggestion, one with halachic ramifications for the issue of renewal of Semicha. Rav Herzog suggests that rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula does not mean that the Samuch must literally know by heart all the relevant halachic sources. A similar approach was also suggested by the Rav[5] and the Steipler.[6] In the language of the Rav, the Samuch need not possess “universal knowledge”, rather a “universal orientation.” While this approach would certainly remove this barrier to renewal of Semicha, Rav Herzog concludes, however, that the matter requires extensive clarification and discussion, and as long as this point has not been clarified, there can be no possibility of renewing the Sanhedrin.


































There are a number of talmidei chachamim in the last century who have deemed others to be rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula, in contrast to the position of the Ralbach and the RadvazFor example, in his 1935 recommendation letter for the Rav regarding the Chief Rabbinate in Tel Aviv, publicized by Dr. Manfred Lehmann[7], Rav Moshe Soloveichik wrote that the Rav is rauy lehorot veladun be-chol dinei hatorah like the mufla on the Sanhedrin. In Rav Moshe Mordechai, the biography of Rav Moshe Mordechai Shulsinger (page 275), it is related that the Chazon Ish listed to his student Rav Shlomo Cohen (Rav Shulsinger’s father-in-law) the names of 32 Rabbis whom he believed to be rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula and worthy of sitting in the Sanhedrin, among them the Chafetz Chaim and Rav Meir Simcha. It would appear that Rav Moshe Soloveichik and the Chazon Ish also assumed the more lenient definition of rauy lehorot be-chol hatorah kula, in line with the position of Rav Herzog, the Rav and the Steipler.


VI Halachic Dateline

The archive contains an entire file dedicated to the question of the Halachic Dateline.[8] Rav Herzog was of course involved in the Dateline controversy in 1941. At that time, some members of the Mir Yeshiva, among other Jews, were located in Japan for Yom Kippur and they sent a telegram to Rabbis Mishkovsky, Alter, Herzog, Soloveichik, Finkel and Meltzer asking for guidance. Rav Herzog convened a meeting of a number of Rabbis to decide how to proceed, and sent a telegram back to Japan with their instructions. The file contains copies of the telegrams, much of Rav Herzog’s correspondence on the issue, as well as a kuntres on the topic prepared by Rav Tukachinsky that was distributed in advance of the meeting. Most of the significant material in this file has already been published in Kovetz Chitzei Giborim – Pleitat Sofrim Volume 8, in an extensive article by Rav Avraham Yissachar Konig, which was previously reviewed on the Seforim Blog by Dr. Marc Shapiro.[9]

Rav Konig’s most significant contribution is showing that Rav Herzog’s letter as published in Rav Menachem Kasher’s Kav Ha-taarich Ha-yisraeli has been altered from Rav Herzog’s actual letter. Here is Rav Herzog’s letter to Rav Kasher as it appears in the archive:







































And this is the letter as printed at the beginning of Rav Kasher’s Kav Ha-taarich Ha-yisraeli:






































There are three sentences that have been omitted from Rav Herzog’s letter as presented at the beginning of Rav Kasher’s volume. (I would add the following point that Rav Konig failed to mention - Rav Kasher wrote explicitly on page 248 that he presented the letters at the beginning of the volume in full.) The following sentences have been omitted from Rav Herzog’s letter:

הנני להודיע עכשיו שבדיעה זו אני ממשיך ומחזיק היוםאני תפלה שיזכני הקב"ה לעיין בעצם שאלת קו התאריך ולבדוק את כל הדיעות ולהגיע לידי דיעה עצמיתאולם לעת עתה אינני נוקט שום עמדה בהן.

This omission creates the impression that Rav Herzog had a definitive position on the question of the Dateline. However, this is obviously not the case; Rav Herzog never came to any conclusion on the issue of the Dateline, as is clear from the omitted sentences, as well as from a number of other letters in the file. In fact, Rav Konig has shown that in Rav Kasher’s response to this letter, he actually complained to Rav Herzog about these specific sentences for this reason. From Rav Herzog’s original letters, it appears that his position on the question of Japan was one of hanhaga bemakom safek (i.e. instruction on how to act in absence of a clear conclusion on the location of the Dateline) not a definitive hachraa. (Rav Konig elaborates on Rav Herzog’s position at length.) The first sentence above, that Rav Herzog stands by the position of the Rabbinic meeting, in conjunction with Rav Herzog’s statement that he has no definitive opinion on the matter of the Dateline, also implies that the position of the Rabbinic meeting convened by Rav Herzog was also one of hanhaga bemakom safek. (This point is also clear from Rav Herzog’s letter to Dr. Yishurun, also in the file, that the Dateline matter remained unresolved, and the meeting of Rabbis came to no definitive conclusion on the location of the Dateline. They issued their instructions to Japan based on the majority of opinions regarding location of the Dateline, with no consensus on the issue itself.) The altered version of Rav Herzog’s letter creates the false impression that Rav Herzog had a definitive opinion on the Dateline question.

However, I must take issue with one point made by Rav Konig. In his footnote 54, he criticizes Rav Herzog for his language in the telegram sent to Japan. Rav Konig writes that the language of the telegram is misleading, and creates the false impression that the telegram represents the position of the six rabbis (Rabbis Mishkovsky, Alter, Herzog, Soloveichik, Finkel and Meltzer) to whom the telegram from Japan was addressed. This is Rav Konig’s critique, in footnote 54:






































Unfortunately, Rav Konig has been misled by an inaccurate translation of Rav Herzog’s telegram. Rav Herzog’s original telegram was written in English, and Rav Konig tells us (footnote 55) that he has relied on the translation to Hebrew as it appears in the Encyclopeida Talmudit, in the addendum to the entry on “Yom”, (coincidentally also in footnote 55.) That translation is taken from Rav Kasher’s Kav Ha-taarich Ha-yisraeli on page 246. This is the telegram sent by Rav Herzog, as it appears in the archive:



An accurate translation to Hebrew would be as follows:

בתשובה למברק שלכם מיום 12.9, אספת רבנים בנשיאותי החליטה שתצומו ליום כיפור ביום רביעי לפי חשבון הנהוג ביפן וכו'

This is the mistranslation in Rav Kasher’s Kav Ha-taarich Ha-yisraeli:



Translated accurately, Rav Herzog’s telegram does not imply that the six Rabbis to whom the question was addressed are providing the answer. The main difference is a subtle, but significant one. Rav Herzog wrote “meeting rabbis my presidency”, which Rav Kasher mistranslated to Asifat Ha-rabbanim, “meeting of the rabbis”, and he neglected to translate “my presidency” at all. As noted by Rav Konig, Asifat Ha-rabbanim (with the hey ha-yedia) implies the known Rabbis, i.e. the Rabbis to whom the question was addressed. Correctly translated, however, Asifat Rabbanim be-nesiuti, “a meeting of Rabbis under my presidency” (without the hey ha-yedia) does not imply that Rabbis Mishkovsky, Alter, Soloveichik, Finkel and Meltzer were involved in the decision. Rav Konig was unfortunately misled by Rav Kasher’s mistranslation, which was also repeated by Encyclopeida Talmudit. The attack on Rav Herzog’s integrity is entirely unwarranted.

There appears to be a second very subtle error in Rav Kasher’s translation. Rav Kasher’s translation states flatly that the Taanit of Yom Kippur is on Wednesday, implying a definitive hachraa. Rav Herzog’s telegram actually says that the decision was that they should fast on Wednesday for Yom Kippur, language which is consistent with a hanhaga bemakom safek. This would also fit with Rav Herzog’s personal addendum, that the Jews in Japan ought to keep Thursday as a fast day as well while eating leshiurim. Given Rav Kasher’s apparently less-than-honest presentation of Rav Herzog’s letter, as noted above, one might surmise that this “error” was also a willfull misrepresentation of the contents of the telegram, intended to advance Rav Kasher’s preferred narrative of a definitive hachraa, in accordance with his own position.


VII Yibum B’zman Hazeh

In addition to the documents related to Rav Herzog’s tenure as Chief Rabbi of Israel, there are also a number of files from his tenure as Chief Rabbi of Ireland. Among his correspondence from his time is Ireland is a fascinating teshuva, written by Rav Kasher in 1936, regarding the issue of Yibum B’zman Hazeh.[10] The background to the question: an Ashkenazi Yavam and Yevama living in Israel want to marry via Yibum, rather than doing Chalitza. Must the beit din protest, or can the beit din allow the Yibum? This teshuva was printed by Rav Kasher in the inaugural volume of Talpiot[11] (1944), and also appears in his Divrei Menachem Volume 1, Teshuva 31. Interestingly, Rav Kasher’s conclusion in the original teshuva differs significantly from the conclusion in the teshuva that he eventually published in Talpiot and Divrei Menachem.

Here is the conclusion of the teshuva as it appears in Rav Herzog’s archive, at the end of page 11 continuing to page 12:







































Here is the conclusion of the teshuva as it appears in Divrei Menachem:






































Originally, Rav Kasher concluded that the beit din should try to convince the couple to do chalitza, but if beit din is unsuccessful, and if the couple is religious, then beit din should teach them to have kavana l’shem mitzvah and need not protest the yibum. The concluding sentences were removed from Rav Kasher’s published teshuva, and the ending simply states that beit din try to convince them to do chalitza. (The teshuva as published is actually quite awkward, as it is clearly building towards the conclusion that they may do yibum, yet ends abruptly without stating this conclusion.) Apparently, Rav Kasher censored his own conclusion. He does stipulate at the end of the original teshuva that he is writing le-halacha ve-lo le-maase until the Gedolei Ha-Rabbanim in Israel agree to permit the yibum. It is possible that Rav Kasher did not receive such approval, and subsequently decided to censor his own conclusion when he published the teshuva.

VIII The Rav on Rabbi Meir Kahane

In addition to the archives of Chief Rabbi Herzog, the archives of his son, President Chaim Herzog, have also been scanned and are available. A very intriguing file in his archive is the file dedicated to Rabbi Meir Kahane.[12] A fascinating document in that file is a letter about Kahane written to Herzog by the Rav in the summer of 1984. The background to the letter: in 1984, Kahane became a member of the Knesset, representing the Kach party. Traditionally, during the process of building a coalition, the president would invite every party to take part in coalition negotiations. Herzog, however, snubbed Kahane and refused to invite him.[13] It was in response to this snub that the Rav wrote the letter below to Herzog, which is surprisingly supportive of Kahane:




The Rav starts by mentioning his close relationship with Rav Herzog, and that Chaim Herzog was actually named for his grandfather, the great Rav Chaim Soloveichik of Brisk.[14] The Rav says that he cannot understand how Herzog could invite the representatives of Arafat, but did not invite Kahane. The Rav adds that Kahane is “ktzat talmid chacham” despite his shigonot, and that he is a yarei shamayim who fights for the Torah and kvod shamayim. The Rav says that someone as energetic as Kahane should be moderated and he could contribute.

(Other sources have portrayed the Rav’s view of Kahane far more negatively, claiming that the Rav regarded Kahane’s “selective citation of Jewish sources as a distortion and desecration of Torah.”[15] Additionally, it is related that, at some point in the 1980s[16], the Rav told others that Kahane should not be given a platform to speak at YU.[17] I am not sure how to reconcile this portrayal of the Rav’s view of Kahane with the Rav’s own letter to Herzog that was rather supportive and praising of Kahane.)

The Rav then gives Herzog some gentle mussar for being irreligious and encourages him to keep mitzvot while in public as a Kiddush Hashem. Herzog’s response to the Rav also appears in the same file.

Kahane and Herzog had quite a contentious (non-)relationship, extending far beyond the coalition snub, as is evidenced by the rest of Herzog’s file on Kahane. This is a scathing column that Kahane wrote for the Jewish Press, also found in Herzog’s archive, in which Kahane dubs Herzog “vinegar son of wine”, among other insults:






































Additionally, Kahane’s Kach party presented Herzog with the inaugural Pras Idud Ha-hitbolelut - “Award for the Encouragement of Assimilation” 5745, as appears below:






































The above is a sampling of the important and interesting documents contained in the archives. As mentioned, there is certainly much more fascinating material to be found. In the meanwhile, אנו יושבים ומצפים לגאולה שלמהייתי ונחמיניה.

[2] http://www.hebrewbooks.org/pdfpager.aspx?req=23218&st=&pgnum=16. See also Rav Chaim David Regensburg’s criticism of this thesis in Kerem Volume 1, pages 93-94 (also reprinted in his Mishmeret Chaim), and the comments of Rav Hershel Schachter brought in Shiurei Ha-rav (Sanhedrin), page 37, footnote 35.
[3] Shenaton Ha-Mishpat Ha-Ivri 14-15, page 235, footnote 77
[4] Dr. Revel did cite statements of other rishonim that he believed supported his view. Perhaps R’ Maimon mistakenly thought that Dr. Revel had supported his view with manuscripts of the Rambam, rather than other rishonim.
[5]  Nefesh Ha-rav page 18 footnote 22 , Shiurei Ha-rav (Sanhedrin) page 27. See also Leaves of Faith (volume 1) pages 121 and 134, where Rav Lichtenstein attributes this approach to Rav Moshe Soloveichik. From the other sources, it would seem that this approach was the Rav’s own. However, the recommendation letter that Rav Moshe wrote might imply that Rav Moshe also followed this approach.
[6] Kitvei Kehillot Yaakov Ha-chadashim, Sanhedrin, page 187.
[7] Sefer Yovel for Rav Yosef Dov Soloveitchik, jointly published by Mosad HaRav Kook and Yeshiva University, at the end of Volume 1 (unpaginated). The transcription, along with an image, is also available here.
Lehmann’s transcription of Rav Moshe’s letter appears to be mostly accurate, with one exception. Towards the end of the letter, Lehmann’s transcription reads as follows:
וגם הם בדור עשירי לעזרא איכא בימכל צד וצד...
This meaningless sentence is obviously an error in transcription. The transcription should read:
וגם הך דדור עשירי לעזרא איכא בימכל צד וצד...
meaning that the Rav has illustrious lineage and zchut avot on both his father’s and mother’s side. (See Brachot 27b for the source of this expression.) It is also clear from Lehmann’s translation that he misunderstood this line entirely and did not realize that it was referring to the Rav and his lineage. See the translation here.
[13] “Rabbi Kahane was the only party leader in the Parliament whom President Herzog refused to see in the consultations that led to the President's asking Shimon Peres, the Labor Party leader, to form a government.” (New York Times, August 14, 1984)
[14] Herzog himself mentions this in his memoir, Derech Chaim, although it does not appear in the English translation, Living History. Rav Chaim passed away on July 30, 1918, and Herzog was born on September 17, 1918.
[16] The Rav’s last shiur at YU/RIETS was in 1985 (The Rav, Volume 1, page 43), at which point he withdrew from public life due to his illness. Presumably, this incident must have occurred at some point before then.

Book Week 2018

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Book Week 2018
By Eliezer Brodt

Book week just began in Eretz Yisrael. As I have written in the past, every year in Israel, around Shavous time, there is a period of about ten days called Shavuah Hasefer - Book Week (for previous years lists see here  herehere, here, hereherehereherehere,  hereand here). Many of the companies offer sales for the whole month. Shavuah HaSefer is a sale which takes place all across the country in stores, malls and special places rented out just for the sales. There are places where strictly “frum” seforim are sold and other places have most of the secular publishing houses. Many publishing houses release new titles specifically at this time.

 In my lists, I sometimes include an older title, from a previous year, if I just noticed the book. As I have written in the past, I do not intend to include all the new books.Eventually some of these titles will be the subject of their own reviews. I try to include titles of broad interest. As this list shows although book publishing in book form has dropped greatly worldwide, Academic books on Jewish related topics are still coming out in full force.

This list includes books which were listed here, as they came out after book week 2017.

To receive a PDF of the sale catalogs of Mechon Yerushalayim, Zichron Ahron and other non-academic distributors, e mail me at Eliezerbrodt-at-gmail.com.

As in previous years I am offering a service, for a small feeto help one purchase these titles (or titles of previous years). For more information about this email me at Eliezerbrodt-at-gmail.com.

Part of the proceeds will be going to support the efforts of the the Seforim Blog.

מגיד
  1. ר'אברהם יצחק הכהן קוק, מציאות קטן, פנקס ביכורים [נכתב בעת כהונתו בזיימל שבליטא], תרמז עמודים
  2. ר'ראובן ציגלר, עוז וענווה, הגותו של הרב יוסף דוב סולוביצ'ק
  3. ר'דוד והרב אברהם סתיו, אבוא ביתך, שאלות ותשובות בנושא זוגיות ומשפחה
  4. ד"ר יעל ציגלר, רות מניכור למלוכה
  5. נשמת הבית, הריון, לידה, הנקה ואמצעי מניעה
  6. Judaism’s Encounter with Other Cultures, Rejection or Integration, Edited by Jacob J. Schacter
JTS
  1. גרשם שלום, תולדות התנועה השבתאית, שוקן, 407 עמודים
  2. תמר קדרי, מנחה ליהודה, יהודה תיאודור ועריכתם של מדרשי האגדה הארץ ישראליים, מכון שכטר, 217 עמודים
יד בן צבי
  1. יוסף אביבי, קבלת הראי"ה, ד'חלקים [ניתן לקבל תוכן ודפי דוגמא]
  2. עדה גבל, חרדים ואנשי מעשה, פועלי אגדות ישראל 1933-1939
  3. חננאל מירסקי, תורת הלשון של מנחם בן סרוק, בן צבי, 319 עמודים
  4. ספונות, כה
  5. בין יוספוס לחז"ל, כרך א - האגדות האבודות של ימי הבית שני; כרך ב - אגדות החורבן, טל אילן ורד נעם, בשיתוף מאיר בן שחר, דפנה ברץ ויעל פיש, 951 עמודים
  6. גנזי קדם, כרך יג [ניתן לקבל תוכן].
  7. הסיפור הזוהרי, שני חלקים, בעריכת יהודה ליבס, יונתן בן הראש מלילה הלנר-אשד

האקדמיה הלאומית הישראלית למדעים
  1. אסופות כתבים עבריים מימי הביניים, כרך ג: כתב אשכנזי, עדנה אנגל ומלאכי בית אריה
כנרת-דביר
  1. יואל רפל, התפילה לשלום המדינה, תולדותיה תכניה ופירושה
  2. אליעזר טאובר, דיר יאסין סוף המיתוס
מכללת הרצוג
  1. ר'אהרן ליכטנשטיין, באור פניך יהלכון, מידות וערכים בעבודת ה'
  2. יצחק רקנטי, עברי אנוכי; אברהי ש'רקנטי, משאולוניק לתל אביב
  3. שלום רוזנברג, לא בשמים היא
  4. אליהו עסיס, מאבק על הזהות העימותים בין יעקב ועשו ישראל ואדום
  5. עוזיאל פוקס, תלמודם של גאונים: יחסם של גאוני בבל לנוסח התלמוד בבלי, 562 עמודים
  6. פירוש מדרש חכמים על התורה, מהדורת ביקורתית בצירוף מבוא [מכ"י, שמות, במדבר דברים], בעריכת יואב ברזלי, 392 עמודים
  7. הראל גורדין, הרב משה פיינשטיין:הנהגה הלכתית בעולם משתנה, 562 עמודים [לתוכן העניינים ראה כאן].
מאגנס
  1. דב שוורץ, מאבק הפרידיגמות, בין תאולוגיה לפילוספיה בהגות היהודית בימי הביניים
  2. אילן אדלר, שיטות ניקוד ומסורת קריאה של העברית אסופת מחקרים [עדה ולשון לה], מגנס 238 עמודים
  3. ספר היובל לכבוד מרדכי ברויאר, שני חלקים [הדפסה שניה] כריכה רכה
  4. יהונתן יעקבס, בכור שור הדר לו, ר'יוסף בכור שור בין המשכיות לחידוש, 362 עמודים
  5. מרדכי זלקין, מרא דאתרא? רב וקהילה בתחום המושב, 332 עמודים
  6. קובץ על יד, כה, לזכר עזרא פליישר, 512 עמודים
הוצאת אוניברסיטת בר-אילן
  1. אלי גורפינקל, (מהדיר), שני חיבורם על תחיית המתים, הוויכוח שלא שכך
  2. מקראות גדולות הכתר, דברי הימים
  3. דעת 85
  4. דעת 84
  5. בד"ד 32
  6. בד"ד 33
  7. סידרא לב
  8. מקס יוסף, היהדות על פרשת דרכים דברים על השאלה הגורלית אל האמיצים והאצילים בעםהיהודי
  9. עלי ספר כו-כז, 400 עמודים [ניתן לקבל תוכן].
  10. דבר תקווה (מסורת הפיוט ה-ו), מחקרים בשירה ובפיוט מוגשים לפרופ'בנימין בר תקוה, בעריכת אפרים חזן, 484 עמודים
  11. רון בר לב, אמונה רדיקלית, אוונגרד האמונה של רבי נחמן מברסלב, 284 עמודים
  12. ביטי רואי, אהבת השכינה, מיסטיקה ופואטיקה בתיקוני הזוהר, 514 עמודים
  13. יהודה פרידלנדר, בכבשונו של פולמוס, פרקים בספרות הפולמוס בין רבנים למשכילים בליטא במאה התשע-עשרה, 332 עמודים [רוב הספר הוא מאמרים של הגאון ר'יוסף זכריה שטרן מתוך העיתונים].
מוסד ביאליק
  1. מרדכי סבתו, תלמוד בבלי מסכת סנהדרין פרק שלישי, שני כרכים, מהודרה, פירוש ועיון משווה במקבילות
  2. חכמת לב, עולמם של חז"ל, ספר זכרון ליפה הקר
  3. שרה יפת, בשוב ה'את שיבת ציון היינו כחולמים, ב'חלקים
  4. מגילות, יג
  5. אבי הורביץ, מבראשית לדברי הימים, פרקים בהיסטוריה הלשונית של העברית המקראית
  6. דוד רוקח, היהודים במשנתם של טרטוליאנוס ואוגוסטינוס
  7. דב שוורץ, מאחדות לריבוי, סיפורה של התודעה הציונית הדתית
  8. חמישה קדמוני מפרשי ר'אברהם אבן עזרא, עורך ראשי חיים קרייסל, 894 עמודים [ניתן לקבל תוכן].
  9. יהושע בלאו, בלשנות ערבית
הוצאת כרמל
  1. ישראל רוזנסון, להתפלל על שפת הים של תל אביב, בית הכנסת הגר"א ביוגרפיה, זיכרון
  2. אפרים חמיאל, בין דת לדעת: העמדה הדיאלקטית בהגות היהדוית בת זמננו, מהרב קוק עד הרב שג"ר
  3. שתי יצירות על אודות שבתי צבי, מהדיר יעקב ברנאי
  4. איריס פרוש, החוטאים בכתיבה,מהפכת הכתיבה בחברה היהודית במזרח אירופה במאה התשע-עשרה, 478 עמודים [להתוכן העניינים ראה כאן].
מרכז זלמן שזר
  1. בנימין בראון, כספינה מיטלטלת, חסידות קרלין בין עליות למשברים
  2. אוריאל גלמן, השבילים היוצאים מלובלין, צמיחתה של החסידות בפולין
  3. טלי מרים ברנר, על פי דרכם, ילדים וילדות באשכנז
  4. יוסף דן, תולדות הסוד העברית ימי הביניים, בעקבות הזוהר, כרך יב
  5. איליה לוריא, מלחמות ליובאוויץ'חסידות חב"ד ברוסיה הצארית
  6. Habad in the 20th Century, Spirituality Politics, Outreach Jonathan Meir, Gadi Sagiv
  7. Synagogues in Ukraine Volhynia, Sergey R. Kravtsov Vladmir Levin, 2 Volumes
הוצאת קיבוץ המאוחד
  1. גרשון ברין, עיונים ב'לקח טוב'לחמש מגילות, קווים בפרשנות הבינטית בתחילת האלף השני לספריה
  2. יעקב שביט, יהודה ריינהרץ, חלון על העולם, קורות העמים בהיסטוריגרפיה העברית במזרח אירופה במאה התשעה עשרה
  3. שולמית ולר, גוונים של אושר בסיפורי התלמוד
  4. יעל וילפנד בן שלום, גלגל הוא והוא עובר על הכל
  5. המשכיל בעת הזאת, ספר היובל למשה פלאי, בעריכת זאב גרבר, לב חקק, ושמואל כץ, 333+98 עמודים [ניתן לקבל תוכן].
ראובן מס
1. תלמוד האיגוד, ברכות פרק ו
2. יהודע וייסטוך, רועה עדרו, מנהגיות וניהול בתקופת המשנה ובראשית ימי התלמוד
דבר שיר
  1. ר'אברהם יצחק הכהן קוק, קצבים מכתב יד קדשו ג'
  2. ארלה הראל, יערב שיחי, שיחות עם הרב יעקב אריאל על השפקה עבודת ה'ופרקים חיים,
  3. אשרי אדם עוז לו בך, ספר זכרון לרב אהרן ליכטנשטיין
  4. ספרים של הרב שג"ר
האקדמיה ללשון העברית
  1. המשנה לפי כתב יד קאופמן, זרעים-מועד 221 עמודים
  2. אלכסיי אליהו יודיצקי, דקדוק העברית של תעתיקי אוריגנס, 344 עמודים

מכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה ועם עובד
  1. בנימין בראון, מדריך לחברה החרדית, אמונות וזרמים, 451 עמודים
מכון הישראלי לדמוקרטיה
  1. יאיר אטינגר, נסים ליאון, באין רועה ש"ס וההנהגה החרדית מזרחית אחרי עידן הרב עובדיה יוסף
ידיעות ספרים
  1. יונתן גרוסמן, בראשית סיפורן של התחלות
  2. מלילה הלנר אשד, מבקשי הפנים מסורות האידרא רבא שבספר הזוהר
  3. ר'יואל בן נון ור'שאול ברוכי, מקראות עיון רב תחומי בתורה, משפטים, 608 עמודים
  4. יהושע פישל שניאורסון, הרופא והפילוסף
  5. הבעל שם טוב- האיש שבא מן היער, בעריכת רועי הורן, 504 עמודים


New Book sale 2018 : Part Two

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New Book sale 2018 : Part Two
By Eliezer Brodt

This list consists of a few parts. All the books are brand new. Email your order to eliezerbrodt@gmail.com. I will than send you a bill based on what is available. Payment is with Pay Pal, but other arrangements can be made. Shipping is not included in the price; that depends on the order and size of the book. All books will be air mailed out after I receive payment. There are other shipping possibilities available depending on quantity of books.
Many of the titles are only available at these prices for the next few days.
Many of the books on the previous lists are still for sale (hereand here)
For every 5 titles purchased there is a 10 percent discount [not including the shipping] [a set counts as one title].
Feel free to ask for details about any specific book on the list. All questions should be sent to me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.comthank you and enjoy.
Part of the proceeds of this sale will be going to help support the efforts of the Seforim Blog.
  1. עזרא פליישר, תפילה ומנהגי תפילה, ארץ ישראליים בתקופת הגניזה, $24
  2. מעוז כהנא, מהנודע ביהודה לחתם סופר, הלכה והגות לנוכח אתגרי הזמן, 486 עמודים, $26
  3. שלמה טיקוצינסקי, למדנות מוסר ואליטיזם, ישיבת סלבודקה מליטא לארץ ישראל, 394 עמודים, $26
  4. יוסף דן, תולדות תורת הסוד העברית, ימי הביניים, יא, ספר הזוהר, 515 עמודים, $27
  5. הגדולים - אישים שעיצבו את פני היהדות החרדית בישראל, בעריכת בנימין בראון ונסים ליאון, 968 עמודים [מהדורה שניה[, $29
  6. רחל מנקין, יהודי גליציה והחוקה האוסטרית, ראשיתה של פוליטיקה יהודית מודרנית, 287 עמודים, $22
  7. פאבל מצ'ייקו, ערב רב, פנים וחוץ בוויכוח הפרנקיסטי, 352 עמודים, $23
  8. קדושת החיים וחירוף הנפש, כריכה רכה, $15
  9. יעקב בלידשטיין, עצב נבו, מיתת משה רבנו במדרשי חז"ל, 16$
  10. יואל בן נון, זכור ושמור טבע והיסטוריה בפשר השבת והחגים, $21
  11. תשורה לעמוס, $21
  12. פירוש מסכת אבות לרבי מתתיהו היצהרי, מהדיר יעקב שפיגל, $15
  13. אריה מורגנשטרן, משיחיות ויישוב ארץ ישראל במחצית הראשונה של המאה הי"ט, $16
  14. קנאות דתית, בעריכת מאיר ליטביק ואורה לימור, $20
  15. יחזקאל ליכטנשטיין, והסנה איננו אכל: סוגיות מימי השואה בראי ההלכה, 363 עמודים, $19
  16. . שמחה עמנואל, מגנזי אירופה, א, 512 עמודים, $26
  17. 2. דוד הנשקה, מה נשתנה, ליל הפסח בתלמודם של חכמים, 650 עמודים, $29
  18. יעקב מדן, המקראות המתחדשים, עיונים בנביאים וכתובים, $21
  19. הרב משה פיינשטיין, הנהגה הלכתית בעולם משתנה, $21
  20. תא שמע, מקרים במדעי היהדות לזכורו של י'תא שמע, שני חלקים, $32
  21. תלמוד מאיר, קובץ מאמרים, אברהם הברמן, $16
  22. יעקב גרטנר, עיוני תפילה, מנהגים ותולדות, $21
  23. גרשם שלום, זרמים ראשיים במיסטיקה היהודית, 502 עמודים, $20
  24. אברהם גרוסמן, אמונות ודעות בעולמו של רש"י, $19
  25. תפארת בחורים, מדריך החתנים היהודי הראשון, רוני וינשטיין, $17
  26. פרי מגדים לר'דוד די סילוה, הרופא מירושלים, $15
  27. כתבור בהרים, מחקרים בתורה שבעל פה מוגשים לפר'יוסף תבורי, $21
  28. ענת רייזל, מבוא למדרשים, $21
  29. יוסף אביב"י, זוהר רמח"ל, $21
  30. המעשים לבני ארץ ישראל הלכה והיסטוריה בארץ ישראל הביזנטית, הלל ניומן, $16
  31. ברכה יניב, מעשה רוקם, תשמישי קדושה מטקסטיל בבית הכנסת האשכנזי, הספרדי והאיטלקי, $17
  32. אמונה ואדם לנוכח השואה, שני חלקים, $34
  33. יוסף סילמן, בין ללכת בדרכיו, ולשמע בקולו, הוראות הלכתיות ההנחיות או כציווים, $21
  34. יוסף יצחק ליפשיץ, אחד בכל דמיונות, הגותם הדיאלקטית של חסידי אשכנז, 234 עמודים, $20
  35. שלום רוזנברג, לא בשמים היא, $20
  36. מגילת רות, יהונתן גרוסמן, $20
  37. אלחן טל, הקהילה האשכנזית באמשטרדם במאה הי"ח, $19
  38. שואל שטמפפר, הישיבה הליטאית בהתהוותה, $23
  39. ספר גיא חזיון, ר'אברהם יגל, מהדיר דוד רודרמן, $11
  40. ספר חסידים, חיבור גנוז בגנותה של חסידות, $15
  41. ספריות ואוספי ספרים, משה סלוחובסקי יוסף קפלן עורכים, $17
  42. יוסף אביב"י (מהדיר), קיצור סדר האצילות, כתיבת ר'חיים ויטל העתקת ר'מנחם די לונזאנו, $24
  43. יעקב כץ, במו עיני, אוטוביוגרפיה של היסטריון, $14
  44. אריה מורנגשטרן, בשליחות ירושלים, תולדות משפחת פ"ח רוזנטל, 1816-1839, $14
  45. יעקב כץ, גוי של שבת, $14
  46. ישעיה גפני, יהודת בבל בתקופת התלמוד, $24
  47. עמנואל אטקס,לשם שמים: חסידים, מתנגדים, משכילים ומה שביניהם, 466 עמודים, $26
  48. שיטת הבחינות של הרב מרדכי ברויאר קובץ מאמרים, $20
  49. עוזי פוקס, תלמודים של גאונים, $22
  50. יואב ברזילי, מדרש חכמים, $22
  51. ישיבות ליטא, פרקי זכרונות, $20
  52. עמנואל אטקס, יחיד בדורו, הגאון מווילנה, $20
  53. ישעיה גפני, יהודת בבל ומוסדותיה, $10
  54. משה רוסמן, הבעש"ט מחדש החסידות, $20
  55. דניאל רייזר, דרשות משנת הזעם [אש קודש], ב'חלקים, $35
  56. יהודי ביטי, הפילוסוף המקובל, עיונים בספר קול הנבואה, 300 עמודים, $20
  57. יוסף שטרן, חומר וצורה במורה נבוכים לרמב"ם, $20
  58. גנזי יוסף פרל, שמואל ורסס, $21
  59. ורד טוהר, חיבור המעשיות והמדרשות וההגדות (פירארה שי"ד), $20
  60. בין בבל לארץ ישראל, שי לישעיהו גפני, 500 עמודים, $34
  61. סדריק כהן סקלי, דון יצחק אברבנאל, 286 עמודים, $25
  62. ספר מלווה ולווה, מדריך למשכנות מאיטליה בימי הרנסנס, מהדיר ראובן בונפיל, $17
  63. רוני באר-מרקס, על חומת הנייר: עיתון הלבנון והאורתודוקסיה, 350 עמודים , $23
  64. שמואל פיינר, עת חדשה יהודים באירופה במאה השמונה עשרה, 583 עמודים, $33
  65. אהרן אופנהיימר, על נהרות בבל: סוגית בתולדות בבל התלמודית, $23
  66. עיר ווילנא חלק ב (מהדיר: מרדכי זלקין), $24
  67. קרלוס פרנקל, מן הרמב"ם לשמואל אבן תיבון, 26$
  68. מנחם כהנא, ספרי זוטא דברים, $35
  69. רפאל פוזן, העקיבות התרגומית בתרגום אונקלוס, $24
  70. אשכולי, החסידות בפולין, $18
  71. יוסף תבורי, מועדי ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד, $25
  72. ראובן קימלמן, לכה דודי וקבלת שבת, $25
  73. יצחק גוטליב, יש סדר למקרא, $26
  74. יובל הררי, חרבא דמשה, $16
  75. אילן אדלר, הבלשנות העברית בימי הביניים, $26
  76. אהרן שמש, עונשים וחטאים, $23
  77. חננאל מירסקי, תורת הלשון של מנחם בן סרוק, $23
  78. יואל רפל, התפילה לשלום המדינה, תולדותיה תכניה ופירושה, $21
  79. אליעזר טאובר, דיר יאסין סוף המיתוס, $20
  80. ספר היובל לכבוד מרדכי ברויאר, שני חלקים [הדפסה שניה] כריכה רכה, $36
  81. יהונתן יעקבס, בכור שור הדר לו, ר'יוסף בכור שור בין המשכיות לחידוש, $24
  82. מרדכי זלקין, מרא דאתרא? רב וקהילה בתחום המושב, $23
  83. כנסת מחקרים ישראל תא שמע, חלק א, $27
  84. כנסת מחקרים ישראל תא שמע, חלק ב, $27
  85. כנסת מחקרים ישראל תא שמע, חלק ג, $27
  86. כנסת מחקרים ישראל תא שמע, חלק ד, $27
  87. פירוש רש"י למסכת ראש השנה [על פי כ"י], מהדיר אהרן ארנד, $22
  88. ספר ההשגה; הוא כתאב אלמסתלחק לר'יונה אבן-ג'נאח, מהדורת ד'טנא וא'ממן, 26$
  89. כתבי ר'משה אבן תבון בעריכת: חיים קרייסל, קולט סיראט, אברהם ישראל 24$
  90. דרשות ר'זרחיה הלוי סלדין [תלמיד של ר'קרשקש], מהדיר: ארי אקרמן $21
  91. לוית חן לר'לוי בן אברהם, סתרי האמונה, שער ההגדה [מהדיר: חיים קרייסל], [כרך ד] 28$
  92. חמישה קדמוני מפרשי ר'אברהם אבן עזרא, $30
  93. מרדכי סבתו, תלמוד בבלי מסכת סנהדרין פרק שלישי, שני כרכים, מהודרה, פירוש ועיון משווה במקבילות, $35
  94. ספר הכוזרי, תרגום מיכאל שורץ, $21
  95. אברהם גרוסמן, תמורות בחברה היהודית בימי הביניים, $27
  96. ירון צור, גבירים ויהודים אחרים במזרח התיכון העות'מאני 1750-1830, $21
  97. התפילה בישראל: היבטים חדשים, בעריכת אורי ארליך, $21
  98. מדרשי גאולה, בעריכת יהודה אבן שמואל, עם מבוא מאת עודד עיר שי, $34
  99. זאב גריס, הספר העברי פרקים לתולדותיו, $26
  100. אסף ידידיה, לגדל תרבות עבריה, חייו ומשנתו של זאב יעבץ, $20
  101. משנת הזוהר, כרך המפתחות, $21
  102. אסף ידידיה, ביקורת מבוקרת $21
  103. נאוה וסרמן, מימי לא קראתי לאשתי, זוגיות בחסידות גור, $20
  104. חכמת לב, עולמם של חז"ל, ספר זכרון ליפה הקר, $17
  105. שרה יפת, בשוב ה'את שיבת ציון היינו כחולמים, ב'חלקים, 32$
  106. מוטי בנמלך, שלמה מולכו, חייו ומותו של משיח בן יוסף, $
  107. נעמה וילוז'ני, שערות לילות וקרני אשמדאי, דמות וצורה במאגיה ובאמנות העממית בין בבל לארץ ישראל בשלהי העת העתיקה, $23
  108. קימי קפלן, עמרם בלוי - עולמו של מנהיג נטורי קרתא, $23
  109. צפי זבה-אלרן, זיכרונת חדשים אסופות האגדה ועיצובו של קנון עברי מודרני, 318 עמודים $23
  110. אבי הורביץ, מבראשית לדברי הימים, פרקים בהיסטוריה הלשונית של העברית המקראית, $21
  111. דוד רוקח, היהודים במשנתם של טרטוליאנוס ואוגוסטינוס, $21
  112. דב שוורץ, מאחדות לריבוי, סיפורה של התודעה הציונית הדתית, 20$
  113. בנימין בראון, כספינה מיטלטלת, חסידות קרלין בין עליות למשברים, 33$
  114. אוריאל גלמן, השבילים היוצאים מלובלין, צמיחתה של החסידות בפולין, $25
  115. טלי מרים ברנר, על פי דרכם, ילדים וילדות באשכנז, $25
  116. יוסף דן, תולדות הסוד העברית ימי הביניים, בעקבות הזוהר, כרך יב, $27
  117. גרשון ברין, עיונים ב'לקח טוב'לחמש מגילות, קווים בפרשנות הבינטית בתחילת האלף השני לספריה , $20
  118. אמנון רז-קרקוצקין, הצנזור הערוך והטקסט, הצנזורה הקתולית והדפוס העברי במאה השש עשרה, $15
  119. שמחה עמנואל, שברי לוחות, ספרים אבודים של 'בעלי התוספות' , $25
  120. בנימין בראון, מדריך לחברה החרדית, אמונות וזרמים, 451 עמודים, $22
  121. אופיר מינץ-מנור, הפיוט הקדום, $18
  122. מור אלטשולר, חיי מרן יוסף קארו, 20$
  123. שי עקביא ווזנר, חשיבה משפטית בישיבות ליטא, עיונים במשנתו של הרב שמעון שקופ, 332 עמודים, $22
חלק ב: מוסד ביאליק
כל ספר בחלק זה $16
  1. איתמר ללוין, קאפו באלנבי [שואה]
  2. פינחס חליווה, השלום כערך על במשפט העברי ובמדרי חז"ל
  3. שלושת חיבורי הדקדוק של ר'יהודה חיוג', בעריכת עלי ותד דניאל סיון
  4. חנוך גמליאל, רש"י כפרשן וכבלשן
  5. מחשבת ישראל ואמונת ישראל, בעריכת דניאל לסקר
  6. טוב עלם: זיכרון, קהילה ומגדר בחברות יהודיות מאמרים לכבודו של ראובן בונפיל
  7. ליישב פשוטו של מקרא, אסופת מחקרים בפרשנות המקרא בעריכת שרה יפה ערן ויזל
  8. מאיר בר-אילן, אסטרולוגיה ומדעים אחרים בין יהודי ארץ ישראל, בתקופה ההלניסטית רומית והביאנטית
  9. יוסף דעת, מחקרים בהיסטוריה יהודית מודרנית מוגשים לפרו'יוסף שלמון
  10. ניחם רוס, מסורת אהובה ושנואה, זהות יהודית מודרנית וכתיבה ניאו חסידית בפתח המאה העשרים
  11. סמכות רוחנית, מאבקים על כוח תרבותי בהגות היהודית, בעריכת חיים קרייסל בעז הוס ואורי ארליך
  12. שרה יפת, דוד דור ופרשניו
  13. שמעון שרביט, פרקי מחקר בלשון חכמים
  14. על פי הבאר, מחקרים בהגות יהודית ובמחשבת ההלכה מוגשים ליעקב בלידשטיין
  15. שמשון שרביט, לשונה וסגנונה של מסכת אבות לדורותיה
  16. מחקרים בתלמוד ובמדרש, ספר זיכרון לתרצה ליפשיץ
  17. חנוך אלבק, מבוא למשנה
  18. יום טוב ליפמאן צונץ, הדרשה בישראל והשתלשלותן ההיסטורית
  19. ערוגות הבשים ליוסף בן תנחום הירושלמי, מאת יהודית דישון
  20. ברכה זק, שומר הפרדס, המקובל רבי שבתי שעפטל הורוויץ מפראג
  21. ברכה זק, בשערי הקבלה של רבי משה קורדוברו
  22. רבקה הורוביץ, יהודת רבת פנים
  23. יד לגילת, אסופת מאמרים של דב יצחק גילת
  24. מנדל פייקאז', ספרות העדות על השואה כמקור היסטורי, ושלש תגובות חסידיות בארצות השואה
  25. מיכה יוסף ברדיצ'בסקי, מחקרים ותעודות בעריכת אבנר הולצמן
  26. אל הקרע שבלב - מיכה יוסף ברדיצ'בסקי, אבנר הולצמן
  27. מיכל אורון, מבעל שם לבעל שם, שמואל פאלק הבעל שם מלונדון
  28. משאת משה, מחקרים בתרבות ישראל וערב מוגשים למשה גיל
  29. ספר יוסיפון, כרך א, בעריכת דוד פלוסר
  30. מרדכי עקיבא פרידמן, ריבוי נשים בישראל
  31. דב שוורץ, ישן בקנקן חדש
  32. גרשם שלום, פרקי יסוד בהבנת הקבלה וסמליה



The Satmar Rebbe and a Censored Mishnah Berurah, and R. Baruch Rabinovich of Munkács

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The Satmar Rebbe and a Censored Mishnah Berurah, and R. Baruch Rabinovich of Munkács

Marc B. Shapiro


1. In my recent interview in Der Veker, available here, I said that I hope to discuss how the Satmar Rebbe was mistaken in identifying a Zionist censorship in the Mishnah Berurah.


In Ha-Maor, Elul 5716, p. 30, M. Abramson tells the following story that appears under the heading על זיוף המשנה ברורה. The Satmar Rebbe was away from home and asked his assistant, R. Joseph Ashkenazi (who is the source of the story), to bring him a book. Ashkenazi brought the first book that came to his hand. It was a Mishnah Berurah printed in Israel. After investigating the history of the printing of the Mishnah Berurah at the National Library of Israel, I concluded that the copy the Satmar Rebbe was given was published by Pardes in 1955 (one year before the event described). Here is the title page.




Later the Rebbe returned the book to Ashkenazi and said that as far as he remembers, the language in section 156 of this copy of the Mishnah Berurah differs from what appears in other editions. Ashkenazi checked an older edition of the Mishnah Berurah and discovered that the Israeli edition had altered the original text.

The original Mishnah Berurah 156:4 reads:

מצוה על כל אדם לאהוב את כ"א מישראלכגופו שנא'ואהבת לרעך כמוך וכו'ודוקא רעך בתורה ומצוות אבל אדם רשע שראה אותו שעבר עבירה המפורסמת בישראל ולא קיבל תוכחה מצוה לשנאתו.

I have underlined the words that Abramson calls attention to. While the original text reads: לאהוב את כ"א מישראל, the Pardes edition has לאהוב את עמיתו. Abramson notes, “In this they wanted to show their support for democracy, that one needs to love not just the Jews but also the Arabs.” The Pardes edition also omits the second series of words that I have underlined, which express sentiments that are not very tolerant of the irreligious,[1] as well as some other words.

Here is the uncensored page in the Mishnah Berurah.



Here is the censored page in the Pardes edition.


Upon looking again at the Abramson article, I see that I misremembered, as it does not actually say that the Satmar Rebbe attributed this censorship to the Zionist publisher. He simply noticed the problem in the Israeli edition and said that this Mishnah Berurah is not like the others he has seen. It is Abramson who explicitly blames the Zionists (although perhaps the Rebbe agreed with Abramson). Abramson sarcastically writes that apparently they also provide copies of the Mishnah Berurah“to the children of Mapai and Mapam,” and this explains why they altered and censored the text.

Yet the truth is that what we have just seen has nothing to do with the Israeli publisher, Pardes. I found the same censorship in a Mishnah Berurah that appeared in Warsaw in 1895, and interestingly, it is this very edition that is found on hebrewbooks.org here. In other words, the changes we have seen were inserted under Czarist rule, and the Israeli publisher simply reprinted a copy of the Mishnah Berurah without realizing that it was a censored version.[2]

I know of another example where the altering of a text was blamed on the Zionists, and this time the one doing the blaming was a Mizrachi rabbi, R. Avigdor Cyperstein. In the Mossad ha-Rav Kook Archive of Religious Zionism there is a letter from R. Cyperstein to Dr. Yitzhak Rafael dated May 14, 1967. The relevant section reads as follows:
ידידי היקר – אני רוצה לזכות אותך בזכות הרבים, ובטח לא תחמיץ את המצווה הזו: כעת בכל העולם נפוצים הסידורים תוצרת הארץ הוצאת "בית רפאל", ת"א – "סדור התפלה השלם"– והנה מצאתי בסידור זה דבר נורא: במעמדות של יום הששי מובא הגמ'מנחות מד. המעשה באדם אחד שהי'זהיר במצוות ציצית וכו'ושם כתוב "באה לבית מדרשו של ר'חייא, אמרה לו רבי צוה עלי ויעשוני גיורת וכו', – והמולי"ם הללו העיזו לשלוח יד בגירסת הגמ', ובמקום ויעשוני גיורת – השליכו את הגיורת החוצה, והכניסו במקומה "עברית" . . . והמרחק-התהום בין גיורת לעברית – אין צורך לבאר, וגם כוונתם הטרופה, בוקעה מזה, ומעלה סרחון, בכי'לדורות. דומני שאין מי שהוא שהעיז לכבוש את המלכה בבית וכל ישראל – מתפללים מסידור זה, וע"כ מצווה לפרסם זה ברבים, ולתקן בהוצאות החדשות.
It is hard to know whether what R. Cyperstein refers to was indeed a Zionist inspired alteration. I say this because the version ויעשוני עברית is also attested to in a few sources that pre-date Zionism. I think it is more likely that the publisher just assumed that this is a more authentic reading.

Since I have been discussing the Satmar Rebbe, here is as good a place as any to note that contrary to popular belief, the name Satmar does not come from St. Mary. The original meaning seems to be a personal name, and in popular etymology the word came to mean “great village.”[3] Yet even in the Satmar community some believe that the word comes from St. Mary, and because of this they pronounce it as “Sakmar”. In pre-war Hungary this pronunciation was common among many Orthodox Jews, not only Satmar hasidim.[4] For one example of this, here is Samuel Noah Gottlieb’s entry on Satmar in his rabbinic encyclopedia, Ohalei Shem (Pinsk, 1912), p. 425. As you can see, while "Szatmar" appears in the vernacular, in the Hebrew the city is spelled "Sakmar". There are many more such examples.


This avoidance of saying the word "Satmar" is similar to the way Jews referred in Hebrew and Yiddish to the Austrian town Deutschkreutz. Unlike the case with Satmar, when it came to Deutschkreutz the universal Jewish name was Tzeilem (Kreutz=cross=tzelem). On the other hand, there was a significant Jewish community in the Lithuanian city of Mariampole, whose name comes from Mary. Yet I am not aware of anyone who avoided saying the name of this city. Shimon Steinmetz emailed me as follows:
We might also note other cities with Christian-y names, like Kristianpol. Kristianpoler was a name used even by rabbis, cf. Rabbi Yechiel Kristianpoler, and his son Rabbi Meir. In addition, the Lithuanian town Kalvarija, which has a very Christian association, Jews used it without any issue. On the other hand, the Jews called St Petersburg, "Petersburg," without the "St."
One other point about Satmar: In a lecture I mentioned that one of the old-time American rabbis met with the Satmar Rebbe and concluded that when it came to the State of Israel, you simply could not speak to him about it. He was like a shoteh le-davar ehad when it came to this in that no matter how much you tried to convince him otherwise, he refused to listen to reason. Someone asked me which rabbi said this. It was R. Ephraim Jolles of Philadelphia (as I heard from a family member). I don’t think his formulation is too harsh, as anyone who has read the Satmar Rebbe’s writings can attest. It does not bother me if he or anyone else wants to be an anti-Zionist. However, the anti-Zionist rhetoric found in the Satmar Rebbe’s writings, and those of his successors, is often more extreme than what we find among the pro-Palestinian groups. Take a look at this passage from Va-Yoel Moshe, p. 11.

אם נקח כל פירצות הדור והעבירות המרובות הנעשות בכל העולם וישימו אותם בכף מאזנים אחת, ומדינה הציונית בכף מאזנים השני', [המדינה הציונית] תכריע את הכל, שהוא השורש פורה ראש ולענה של אבי אבות הטומאה שבכל אבות הנזיקין שבכל העולם כולו, והן המה המטמאים את כל העולם כולו.

By what logic can one claim that such an outrageous passage would be anti-Semitic if said by Mahmoud Abbas, Linda Sarsour, Tamika Mallory, or Max Blumenthal, but not so if the very same thing is said in Satmar?

If anyone wants to see the results of this rhetoric, here are two videos with kids from Satmar. In this one the children are being taught that the Zionists started World War II and to hope for the destruction of the State of Israel.


In this video children were told that Netanyahu was in the car and they were to throw eggs at it.


It is very painful to see how children are being indoctrinated with such hatred. Again I ask, if such a video surfaced from a leftist camp, there would be no hesitation in labeling it anti-Semitic. So why are people hesitant to conclude that Satmar is also involved in spreading anti-Semitism?

The general assumption is that the Satmar Rebbe hated Zionism and the State of Israel so much, that he was inclined to believe even the most far-out anti-Semitic canards against the State. I have always found this difficult to believe. Say what you will about the Rebbe, there is no denying that he was very intelligent. Thus, I have a hard time accepting that he could have really believed in Zionist control of the media and other anti-Semitic tropes found in his polemical writings. In other words, I think it is more likely that he did not believe in any of these things but said them anyway in order to convince his followers not to give up the fight against Zionism, a fight that had been abandoned by so many former anti-Zionists after the Holocaust and the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. In such a battle it was necessary to turn Israel not only into something bad, but actually the worst sin imaginable.

R. Nahum Abraham, a Satmar hasid and prolific author, has recently written that the Satmar Rebbe would deny things that he knew were true. He regarded his denials as “necessary lies,” in order to prevent people from being led in the wrong direction.[5] If the Rebbe thought that it was permissible to deny the truth of certain hasidic stories in order to prevent his followers from being influenced by them, isn't it possible that he would exaggerate the evils of the State of Israel in order to best indoctrinate his followers with an anti-Zionist perspective?

This approach also would explain a big problem that no one has been able to adequately account for. How was the Satmar Rebbe able to have friendly and respectful relationships with people who, based on what he writes, he should have regarded as completely out of the fold due to their involvement with the State of Israel? This includes even men like R. Aharon Kotler who supported voting in the Israeli elections, which the Satmar Rebbe claimed is “the most severe prohibition in the entire Torah.”[6] Yet we know that the Satmar Rebbe respected R. Aharon and others who had a very different perspective.[7] Can't this be seen as evidence that there is a good deal of ideologically-driven exaggeration in the Satmar Rebbe’s writings, and that not everything he says really reflects his actual views? After all, if he really thought that voting in the elections was the most severe prohibition in the Torah and the State of Israel was completely destroying Judaism, would he still be able to be on good terms with rabbis who instructed their followers to vote and be part of the State?

2. Since I mentioned Munkács in this post, let me return to another recent post here where I discussed R. Baruch Rabinovich, the son-in-law of R. Hayyim Eleazar Shapira and his successor as Munkácser Rebbe. When I wrote the post I was unaware of the fact that R. Baruch’s grandson, R. Yosef Rabinovich, recently published Ner Baruch, which is a collection of Torah writings and letters from R. Baruch. He includes in the volume the haskamot written by R. Baruch. I examined new printings of the volumes with haskamot that I was unaware of and found that R. Baruch’s haskamah to the first edition of R. Yitzhak Adler, Seder Shanah ha-Aharonah (Munkács, 1937) was deleted in subsequent printings. The same thing happened with R. Baruch’s haskamah to R. Judah Zvi Lustig’s Yedei Sofer (Debrecen, 1938). Here is how the page with the haskamot looks in the original printing.


Here is how the page with the haskamot looks in the reprint, where R. Baruch’s haskamah has been deleted.


Another point about R. Baruch: In 1946 he tried to become chief rabbi of Tel Aviv but lost out to R. Isser Yehudah Unterman. This is discussed in Samuel Heilman’s Who Will Lead Us? From a letter that appears in the archive of R. Isaac Herzog, and was sent to an unknown rabbi, we see that in 1950 R. Baruch was also interested in becoming av beit din in Tel Aviv.


This information is, to the best of my knowledge, not recorded anywhere else. In this letter, which I found here (a site that contains more interesting information and pictures about R. Baruch) we that R. Herzog, R. Unterman, and R. Yaakov Moshe Toledano were strongly opposed to R. Baruch receiving this appointment. Although the reason for this opposition is not mentioned, it is perhaps because they felt it was an abomination that someone from the anti-Zionist Munkács dynasty should have such a position in the State of Israel. However, as I have mentioned in my previous post, it is doubtful that R. Baruch ever really shared his father-in-law’s strong anti-Zionism. It is possible that the anti-Zionist statements he made in the pre-war years might not have reflected his actual beliefs but were due to his position as rebbe. That is, as the successor of R. Hayyim Eleazar Shapira he felt that he had to make such statements. It is also the case that had he not continued his father-in-law’s anti-Zionist stance he would not have retained much of a following in Munkács.

When R. Baruch wanted to become chief rabbi of Tel Aviv, a letter in opposition to this was published by Chaim Kugel, head of the Holon Municipal Council:
Is it conceivable that this man . . . who hounded Zionism and Zionists . . . who loyally continued the line of the Munkács court, which cursed and banned any Jew who pronounced the word Zion on his lips . . . is it conceivable that this man will appear as a representative and moral leader in the first Hebrew city, and be a guide to its residents and Zionists?[8]
In those days it was obvious that positions of chief rabbis of important cities would go to Zionist rabbis. Here, for example, is a letter to R. Unterman from David Zvi Pinkas, an important Mizrachi figure and signatory of Israel’s Declaration of Independence.[9] Note how Pinkas tells R. Unterman that the Mizrachi expects him to follow the Mizrachi approach in everything he does. If R. Unterman could not commit to this, then Pinkas would have found another rabbi who could.


In my earlier post I neglected to mention R. Baruch’s Hashav Nevonim that appeared in 2016. This book is full of interesting material, and the more I read from R. Baruch, the more impressed I am. He really was a fascinating figure in so many ways.

There is a good deal I can say about Hashav Nevonim, but let me just call attention to the first essay that appears in the book, focused on conversion. Conversion is a matter often in the news. I have said on numerous occasions that what currently passes as the standard approach to conversion was not the case at all in previous years. To begin with, among the rabbis there were different understandings of what kabbalat ha-mitzvot entailed, and the currently accepted view that a prospective convert must commit to become fully halakhically observant, as practiced today in Orthodox communities, was not the view of many, and perhaps not even the view of most. The notion that a conversion could be annulled after the fact was hardly ever put into practice, although even this is found on occasion and R. Baruch cites some authorities who speak about this very point. Thus, it is not, as has often been alleged, a modern haredi idea with no historical basis although, as mentioned, it was very rare.

After going through the various views on conversion, R. Baruch concludes as follows (p. 47).

מנהג העולם נראה כמקבל דיעה זו, וכל מי שנתגייר, בין ששומר מצוות, ובין שחוזר ועובר עבירות, דינו כישראל, כל שקיבל עצמו עול מצות עם גירותו.

I have underlined the words which are not currently accepted by many (most?) conversion courts and which are at the heart of the controversy regarding voiding conversions. Today, the assumption of many conversion courts is that if someone who converts is later seen violating halakhah in a serious way, we can assume that this person never really accepted the mitzvot at the conversion, and the conversion is therefore not valid. It is this argument which was hardly ever put into practice in previous years and now appears to be quite common, so much so that converts claim to feel that their conversions are always “on condition,” namely, that even many years after converting there is the possibility that the conversion will be declared invalid because of a lack of proper kabbalat ha-mitzvot.

On pp. 27-28, R. Baruch calls attention to the novel view of R. Isaac Benjamin Wolf, author of Nahalat Binyamin (Amsterdam, 1682), a book reprinted a number of times and which carries the haskamah by R. Jacob Sasportas. Here is the title page.


R. Isaac is described as rabbi of מדינת מרק. This refers to the German county of Mark, about which see here.

Here is page 89a in Nahalat Binyanim


According to R. Isaac, in places such as Spain and Portugal, where one could not practice Judaism openly, if a Jewish man marries a non-Jewish woman, and the woman chooses to practice Judaism, both she and her children are regarded as Jewish. How can she be Jewish when she never immersed in the mikveh and there was no beit din to preside over the conversion? R. Isaac says that there is no obligation to immerse in the mikveh when there is danger (as there would be in a place with the Inquisition looking to find Crypto-Jews). Although he does not elaborate, it is obvious that according to R. Isaac kabbalat ha-mitzvot in front of a beit din is not an absolute requirement. In other words, he holds that in a she’at ha-dehak one can convert on one’s own, without a beit din.

This is a fascinating position that is at odds with accepted halakhah, so much so that most people won’t even believe that such a position is possible. R. Baruch is not able to cite anyone who agrees with it. The position of Nahalat Binyamim is discussed by R. Eliezer Waldenberg, who not surprisingly completely rejects it.[10] However, he does cite a medieval view that has some similarity to Nahalat Binyamim:

היה מקום להביא סמוכין לזה משיטת האביאסף שהובא במרדכי ביבמות סו"פ החולץ שמפרש דברי הגמ'שם שאומרת מי לא טבלה לנדותה שמשמע דבדיעבד הוי גר גמור גם בטבילה בלי ג'.

Unlike R. Waldenberg, R. Hayyim Amsalem, Zera Yisrael, p. 290, does not reject Nahalat Binyamin out of hand. Instead he writes:

חזו דברי גאון קדמון זה לאיצטרופי, ולדון להקל בבני האנוסים ובבני יהודים לענין גיורם וחזרתם לדת, שכל שימולו ויטבלו לשם יהדות בהודעת מקצת מצוות כהלכה, סגי להו אף לכתחילה, אע"פ שאנחנו לא יודעים מה שהיה אח"כ לענין קיום המצוות, וזה אתי אפי'למ"ד קבלת מצוות מעכבת.

See also Jacob Sofer, Sipurei Yaakov (Lvov, 1913), vol. 2, pp. 7ff. (no. 42), for a lengthy story starring the Maharal. The tale is obviously fictional, but of importance for our purposes is that the story, reported in a hasidic text, tells of a woman who ran away from her non-Jewish husband and married a Jewish man, had children, and was a righteous woman. However, this woman never converted with a beit din, and yet on p. 8a it specifically states that she and her children are to be regarded as Jewish. R. Nahum Abraham points to this as an example of an anti-halakhic hasidic story that cannot be true.[11]

Finally, Nahmanides in his commentary to Yevamot 45b has an interesting view and I do not know if it is accepted.

ואיפשר לומר דגבי קבלת מצוות צריך שלשה אפילו בדיעבד דמשפט כתיב ביה מה התם שנים שדנו אין דיניהן דין אף כאן אינו גר אפילו בדיעבד, אבל מי שהודיעוהו מקצת ענשן של מצות ומתן שכרן של מצות וקיבל עליו בב"ד לטבול ולמול, אם הלך ומל וטבל שלא בפני ב"ד הרי זה כשר ולא פסלינן לזרעיה

3. There are many new books to speak about. One of them is Chaim I. Waxman, Social Change and Halakhic Evolution in American Orthodoxy. The content of the book can be seen from the title. I will be reviewing this book in an academic journal, so I do not need to speak about it here. I would, however, like to call attention to one point that will not be mentioned in my review. Chapter 5 is titled “Tensions Within Modern Orthodoxy.” Not surprisingly, it deals with women rabbis. On pp. 109-110, Waxman refers to R. Jeremy Wieder’s view on the matter (the name is misspelled “Weider”). He quotes from an article in the Yeshiva University Commentator, which summarizes R. Wieder’s position as follows: “[I]n light of the success of the yoetzet halacha program in increasing overall observance in the communities that he has observed, it may be very beneficial to have women rabbis.”

I was quite surprised to see such a liberal position expressed by a YU Rosh Yeshiva, and I checked the source which appears here. R. Wieder is indeed quoted saying, among other things, that there is no binding tradition on the matter of women rabbis since the issue of women in leadership positions is a new question, thus preventing the development of a “stream of Jewish tradition.” However, when I read the article I did not find anything about how it may be “beneficial to have women rabbis.” I then noticed the following at the beginning of the article. “Editor’s Note: This article has been edited to more precisely convey the opinions represented.” In this case, I think the meaning of “more precisely convey” is that what originally appeared was altered (presumably at R. Wieder’s request) in order to prevent controversy. Yet even with the removal of R. Wieder’s view that it may be “beneficial to have women rabbis,” the current text of the article does not alter the substance of R. Wieder’s opinion. Thus, we find the following:
Lastly, Rabbi Wieder talked about the issue from a philosophical standpoint. He argued that expanding the pool of rabbinic students could lead to an increase in qualified rabbinic candidates. Rabbi Wieder added that he has observed the yoetzet halacha program increase overall halachic observance in the communities it serves and he expressed his optimism that women rabbis could generate similar improvement.
These words are certainly in opposition to the OU’s recent statement on women and religious leadership which is available here.

The question I have been asked a few times is if in the current political climate it is possible for a rabbi at a mainstream Modern Orthodox synagogue, or a teacher at a mainstream Modern Orthodox school, to feel free to express support for the ordination of women. Would such a rabbi or teacher risk censure from his colleagues or even the possibility of losing his job? The answer to these questions will determine if we are dealing with a real wedge issue (as I think we are).

Another new book is R. Bezalel Naor’s Shod Melakhim. R. Naor is well known as an outstanding interpreter of R. Kook. His great knowledge of the entire scope of Jewish thought (not just R. Kook) is apparent to anyone who examines his writings. Yet I do not know how many are aware of R. Naor’s achievements when it comes to rabbinic literature. This latest book is a collection of R. Naor’s studies on various halakhot in the Mishneh Torah. As part of R. Naor’s explication of these halakhot, he offers the reader wide-ranging enlightening discussions using numerous sources, both traditional and academic. For those who can appreciate the synthesis of the traditional and the academic approaches to the study of Maimonides, R. Naor’s new book is a real treat.

In the past I have spoken about the late R. Mordechai Spielman’s great work on the Zohar, Tiferet Zvi. The seventh volume of Tiferet Zvi has recently appeared, and can even be purchased on Amazon. Anyone who is interested in how the Zohar has been interpreted, and the impact of the Zohar on later rabbinic literature, will benefit greatly from of R. Spielman’s writings.

A new book (over 600 pages) by Benjamin Brown has appeared. It focuses on the Karlin hasidic dynasty. When I received the book in the mail, the first thought that came to my head is that Brown is a phenomenon. There is no other way to put it. It is not just the quantity of his literary output that is astounding, but also the quality, as everything he writes is worth reading.

____________

[1] Regarding the Hafetz Hayyim’s view of the non-religious, which is very much at odds with current approaches in the Lithuanian yeshiva world (at least in America), see Benjamin Brown, “Ha-‘Ba’al Bayit’: R. Yisrael Meir ha-Kohen, he-‘Hafetz Hayyim,’” in Brown and Nissim Leon, eds., Ha-Gedolim (Jerusalem, 2017), pp. 127ff. Brown also shows that in a few letters the Hafetz Hayyim adopts a more moderate perspective.
[2] In future posts I hope to say a good deal more about the Satmar Rebbe’s writings. For now, let me just respond to someone who emailed me and compared R. Hayyim Eleazar Shapira, the Munkácser Rebbe, to the Satmar Rebbe. It is true that they are similar in terms of their strong opposition to Zionism, and the Satmar Rebbe can be seen as the Munkácser Rebbe’s successor in this matter. However, in terms of their scholarly approach, they are quite different, as the Satmar Rebbe did not have the Munkácser’s critical sense. In fact, I was quite surprised to learn that the Satmar Rebbe accepted as authentic the forged anti-Zionist letters published by Chaim Bloch in his three volume Dovev Siftei Yeshenim. See R. Dov Schwartz, Meshiv Devarim (New York, 2011), pp. 140-141.
[3] See here.
[4] Shimon Steinmetz called my attention to סאקמאר appearing as the name of the city as early as 1859 in R. Hayyim Meir Ze'ev ha-Kohen, Sha'arei Hayyim (Pressburg 1859), in the list of subscribers at the beginning of the book. (You can find this on Google books, but the version of the book on hebrewbooks.org is missing these pages, as well as other pages.) This shows that referring to the city as "Sakmar" was already common. Steinmetz also called my attention to the same thing in the list of subscribers found at the end of R. Hayyim Joseph David Azulai, Kise Rahamim (Ungvar, 1870). In this case, you can see the subscribers in the copy on hebrewbooks.org, but it has been removed from the copy on Otzar ha-Chochmah. If this was removed intentionally, on the assumption that it is not really part of the sefer, it is a big problem, as the subscriber information can be of great historical importance. It is vital that both hebrewbooks.org and Otzar ha-Chochmah scan books in their entirety, without making any changes whatsoever.

R. Yoel Teitelbaum used the term Satmar all the time, and it was on his stationery, but I did find a number of places where he wrote Sakmar, spelled סאקמער and סאקמיר. See e.g., his approbations to R. Abraham Hayyim Reinman, Va-Yetze Perah (Satmar, 1940), R. Asher Steinmetz, Mikveh Yisrael ha-Shem (Jerusalem, 1961), and his letter in Divrei Yoel: Mikhtavim (Brooklyn, 1981), vol. 2, p. 81. See also Esther Farbstein, Be-Seter ha-Madregah (Jerusalem, 2013), p. 862, for a 1949 letter from Budapest to R. Yoel in which the word Sakmar is used. Shimon Steinmetz wrote to me as follows:
I think you can see by his [R. Yoel's] correct spelling in Latin letters that he didn't take it seriously, and perhaps not too many Jews did. After all, R. Joel Teitelbaum himself, who I think most people would consider fairly zealous, did not insist or use it very much. . . . This tells me that when people did call it Sakmar, most of them were probably just calling it that because it was already what Jews called it. Perhaps it was even a sly joke to begin with.
[5] Peti Ya’amin le-Khol Davar (n.p., 2017), p. 31
[6] Divrei Yoel, Mikhtavim, no. 90.
[7] In a future post I will publish a letter I received from Moshe Beck dealing with this point. Beck is the chief rabbi of the U.S. Neturei Karta.
[8] Translation in Heilman, Who Will Lead Us?, p. 45.
[9] The letter is found in the Israel State Archives, David Zvi Pinkas collection, 3070/15-פ.
[10] Tzitz Eliezer, vol. 17, no. 42:11.
[11] Heikhal ha-Besht 18 (Nisan 5767), p. 18. For an Arabic version of this story, see Bayit Neeman 96 (26 Tevet 5776), pp. 4-5.

Another “Translation” by Artscroll, the Rogochover and the Radichkover

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Another “Translation” by Artscroll, the Rogochover and the Radichkover
Marc B. Shapiro
1. As I discuss in Changing the Immutable, sometimes a choice of translation serves as a means of censorship. In other words, one does not need to delete a text. Simply mistranslating it will accomplish one’s goal. Jay Shapiro called my attention to an example of this in the recent ArtScroll translation of Sefer ha-Hinukh, no. 467.  
In discussing the prohibition to gash one’s body as idol-worshippers so, Sefer ha-Hinukh states:
אבל שנשחית גופנו ונקלקל עצמנו כשוטיםלא טוב לנו ולא דרך חכמים ואנשי בינה היארק מעשה המון הנשים הפחותות וחסרי הדעת שלא הבינו דבר במעשה הא-ל ונפלאותיו.
The Feldheim edition of Sefer ha-Hinnukh, with Charles Wengrov’s translation, reads as follows:
But that we should be be destructive to our body and injure ourselves like witless foolsthis is not good for us, and is not the way of the wise and the people of understanding. It is solely the activity of the mass of low, inferior women lacking in sense, who have understood nothing of God's handiwork and his wonders.
This is a correct translation. However, Artscroll "translates" the words המון הנשים הפחותות וחסרי הדעת as "masses of small-minded and unintelligent people.” This is clearly a politically correct translation designed to avoid dealing with Sefer ha-Hinukhs negative comment about the female masses. I will only add that Sefer ha-Hinukhs statement is indeed troubling. Why did he need to throw in “the women”? His point would have been the exact same leaving this out, as we can see from ArtScroll’s “translation.” Knowing what we know about the “small-minded unintelligent” men in medieval times, it is hard to see why he had to pick on women in this comment, as the masses of ignorant men would have also been a good target for his put-down.
2. In my post here I wrote:

One final point I would like to make about the Rogochover relates to his view of secular studies. . . . Among the significant points he makes is that, following Maimonides, a father must teach his son “wisdom.” He derives this from Maimonides’ ruling in Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Rotzeah 5:5:


הבן שהרג את אביו בשגגה, גולה. וכן האב שהרג את בנו בשגגה, גולה על ידו, במה דברים אמורים. כשהרגו שלא בשעת לימוד, או שהיה מלמדו אומנות אחרת שאינו צריך לה. אבל אם ייסר את בנו כדי ללמדו תורה או חכמה או אומנות ומת פטור

He adds, however, that instruction in “secular” subjects is not something that the community should be involved in, with the exception of medicine, astronomy, and the skills which allow one to take proper measurements, since all these matters have halakhic relevance. In other words, according to the Rogochover, while Jewish schools should teach these subjects, no other secular subjects (“wisdom”) should be taught by the schools, but the father should arrange private instruction for his son.


 רואים דהרמב"ם ס"ל דגם חכמה מותר וצריך אב ללמוד [!] לבנו אבל ציבור ודאי אסורים בשאר חכמות חוץ מן רפואה ותקפות [!] דשיך [!] לעבובר [צ"ל לעבור] וגמטרא [!] השייך למדידה דזה ג"כ בגדר דין

He then refers to the Mekhilta, parashat Bo (ch. 18), which cites R. Judah ha-Nasi as saying that a father must teach his son ישוב המדינה. The Rogochover does not explain what yishuv ha-medinah means, just as he earlier does not explain what is meant by “wisdom,” but these terms obviously include the secular studies that are necessary to function properly in society.
Dr. Dianna Roberts-Zauderer takes issue with my assumption that “wisdom” (חכמה), the word used by Maimonides, includes what I have termed “secular studies”. (The Touger translation also has “secular knowledge”). She correctly points out that when the medievals used the word חכמה it means philosophy. She adds: “Does it not make sense that Maimonides would advocate the learning of philosophy? Or that the Rogochover would forbid the learning of philosophy in yeshivot, but only permit it at home with a teacher hired by the father?”
Although the term חכמה often means philosophy, I do not think we must assume that this is its meaning in Hilkhot Rotzeah 5:5. Based on parallel passages in Maimonides’ writings where the same halakhah is mentioned, R. Nachum Eliezer Rabinovitch claims that the word חכמה in this case actually means good character traits.[1] He sums up his discussion as follows:
כוונת רבינו אחת היא בכל המקומותדהיינו לימוד מדות הנקרא חכמה
Quite apart from this, in my discussion I was dealing with how the Rogochover understood the passage in Maimonides. We have to remember the context of the Rogochover’s letter. He was asked about the study of secular subjects, as was the practice among the German Orthodox. He was not asked about the study of philosophy per se. Furthermore, in the passage cited from manuscript by R. Judah Aryeh Wohlgemuth,[2] which I referred to in the previous post, the Rogochover specifically understands Maimonides’ term חכמה in Hilkhot Rotzeah 5:5 as meaning שאר החכמות, which he identifies with what R. Judah ha-Nasi calls ישוב המדינה. 
Regarding the Rogochover, there are a few things people mentioned to me after seeing my post which I think are worthwhile to record. Dr. Rivka Blau, the daughter of R. Pinchas Teitz, told me that her uncle, R. Elchanan Katz, would on occasion cut the Rogochover’s hair.
In the post I mentioned how the Rogochover acknowledged that his learning Torah while sitting shiva was a sin, but he did so anyway as the Torah was worth it. R. Yissachar Dov Hoffman called my attention to the following comment about this by R. Ovadiah Yosef, Meor Yisrael, Berakhot 24b:
לפע"ד לא יאומן כי יסופר שת"ח יעבור על הלכה פסוקה בטענה כזווהעיקר דס"ל כמ"ש הירושלמי פ"ג דמ"ק שאם היה להוט אחר ד"ת מותר לעסוק בתורה בימי אבלודהו"ל כדין אסטניס שלא גזרו בו איסור רחיצה מפני צערו.
In the post I mentioned that the Shibolei ha-Leket appears to be the only rishon who adopts the position of the Yerushalmi referred to by R. Ovadiah. R. Yissachar Dov Hoffman called my attention to R. Yehudah Azulai, Simhat Yehudah, vol. 1, Yoreh Deah no. 40, which is a comprehensive responsum on the topic of a mourner studying Torah. R. Azulai notes that a few recently published texts of rishonim record the position of the Yerushalmi. He also mentions that according to some rishonim the prohibition is only to study on the first day of mourning. In studying R. Azulai’s responsum, I found another source that could be used to defend the Rogochover's learning Torah during shiva. R. Meir ben Shimon ha-Meili writes:[3]
ונראה לומר דלדברי כל פוסקים העיון מבלי הקריאה מותרשאינו אלא הרהור בעלמאולא חמיר אבלות משבת דאמרינן דבור אסור הרהור מותרוכל שכן הרהור בדברי תורה לאבל שהוא מותר . . . והלכך מותר לו לאבל לעיין בספרובלבד שלא יקרא בו בפיו.
R. Meir ben Shimon adds that despite what he wrote, the common practice is for a mourner not to read any Torah books. Yet as we can see, he believes that this is halakhically permitted as long as one does not read out loud.
R. Chaim Rapoport called my attention to the following passage in a new book about the late rav of Kefar Habad, Ha-Rav Mordechai Shmuel Ashkenazi (Kefar Habad, 2017), p. 546:
יצוין בהקשר זה למעשה משעשעששח הרב אשכנזי בשם הרה"ח ראליהו חיים אלטהויז הי"דאודות אסיפה שכינס הרבי הריי"ץ עם הגיעו לריגה שבלטביההרוגצ'ובר נכח באותה ישיבהומשנמשכו הנאומיםהתקשה הגאון לשבת במנוחהוהוא הסיר את כובעו והשליכו על הבקבוקים שניצבו על השולחןתוך שערם כוסות שורה על שורה בפירמידהוכן שפך מים מכוס אחת לשנייה וכדומה.
הרב ד"ר מאיר הילדסיימר [!] ע"ה מברליןשהיה יקה מובהקתהה לפשר התופעה והתקשה להכילההרבי הריי"ץ חש בפליאתו וציין באוזניוכי הרוגצ'ובר הינו "שר התורהוכל רז לא אניס ליה". השיב הרב הילדסהיימר: "הכול טוב ויפהאולם נורמאלי זה לא".
I am surprised that such a passage, using the words “not normal” about behavior of the Rogochover, was published, especially in a Habad work. As is well known, there is a special closeness in Habad to the Rogochover, as he himself was from a Habad family (although it was not Lubavitch but from the Kopust branch of Habad).[4]
Ha-Rav Mordechai Shmuel Ashkenazi also has a number of other stories about the Rogochover. The following appears on p. 211: Once R. Jacob David Wilovsky of Slutzk visited R. Meir Simhah of Dvinsk and told him that he wanted to also visit the Rogochover. R. Meir Simhah attempted to dissuade him, saying that the Rogochover would put him down like he puts everyone down. Yet R. Wilovsky visited him and the Rogochover did not put him down. He said to the Rogochover, “I heard that you put down everyone, but I see that you treat me with respect.” The Rogochover replied, “I put down gedolim, not ketanim.”
In my post on the Rogochover, I showed this page from R. Menahem Kasher’s Mefaneah Tzefunot (Jerusalem, 1976), p. 2.

I wrote:
Look at the end of the first paragraph of the note on p. 2. The "problematic" quotation of the Rogochover, saying that he will happily be punished for his sin in studying Torah, as the Torah is worth it, has been deleted. Instead, the Rogochover is portrayed as explaining his behavior as due to the passage in the Yerushalmi. While all the other authors who discuss this matter and want to “defend” the Rogochover claim that his real reason for studying Torah was based on the Yerushalmi, in R. Kasher’s work this defense is not needed as now we have the Rogochover himself giving this explanation!
Yet the Rogochover never said this. R. Zevin’s text has been altered and a spurious comment put in the mouth of the Rogochover. By looking carefully at the text you can see that originally R. Zevin was quoted correctly. Notice how there is a space between the first and second paragraphs and how the false addition is a different size than the rest of the words. What appears to have happened is that the original continuation of the paragraph was whited out and the fraudulent words were substituted in its place. Yet this was done after everything was typeset so the evidence of the altering remains.
I had forgotten that the 1976 edition of Mefaneah Tzefunot, which is the one found on Otzar ha-Hokhmah and hebrewbooks.org, was the second publication of the book. I thank David Scharf for reminding me of this and for sending me copies of the following pages. Here are the Hebrew and English title pages of the first edition.


Notice how the two title pages have different publication dates. At that time, Yeshiva University was helping to fund R. Kasher’s work on the Rogochover.[5]
Here is page 2 of the preface.


As you can see, in the original publication the text from R. Zevin appears in its entirety. It is only in the second edition that R. Kasher altered what R. Zevin wrote.
There is a good deal more to say about the Rogochover, so let me add another point. In 1892 R. Dov Baer Judah Leib Ginzberg published his Emunat Hakhamim. Included in it, on pages 23b-24b, is a report of how the Rogochover understood the time of death. I believe that what he states can be used to support the argument that brain death is equal to halakhic death. Here are the pages.

The matter of antinomianism, and in particular the Rogochover violating halakhah in the name of a higher purpose, is of interest to many people. In a future post I will cite an example concerning which I think everyone (or most everyone) will agree that even though the halakhah is clear, nevertheless, even the most pious will not hesitate to violate the halakhah in this particular case, again, because of a larger concern.
For now, I want to call attention to another who, like the Rogochover, was very unusual. R. Shlomo Aviner writes as follows:[6]
בישיבת "מרכז הרבהיה גאון אחד בשם הרדיצ'קוברשהיה מתנהג בצורה משונההוא היה נכנס לשירותים עם ספר הרמב"םאמרו לואסורותשובותו: "הרי גם הרמב"ם עצמו היה נכנס לשרותים!"כשנפטרהיו האנשים נבוכים בהספד שלושהרי היה תלמיד חכםאך התנהג בצורה מוזרה מאדהרב נתן רענןחתנו של מרן הרבהספיד אותו ואמרשגדולתו היתה אהבת התורהומרוב אהבת התורה עשה דברים שלא יעשוהוא חטא חטאים שנבעו מאהבת התורה.
R. Aviner speaks about a gaon known as the Radichkover who was quite strange. He would go into the restroom holding a copy of the Mishneh Torah. When he was told that this is forbidden, he replied that Maimonides himself went to the restroom! In other words, if Maimonides could go into the restroom then certainly his book can be brought into it. The Radichkover actually tells this story himself about bringing R. Reuven Katz’s book, Degel Reuven, into the restroom.[7]
When he died, people did not know how to eulogize him, because on the one hand he was a great talmid hakham, but on the other hand he acted in a very strange manner. R. Aviner tells us that R. Natan Ra’anan, the son-in-law of R. Kook, delivered the eulogy and said that his greatness was his love of Torah, and due to this great love he did things that were improper. “He sinned yet these sins arose from his love of Torah.”
It is obviously not very common that a eulogy mentions improper things done by the deceased. It is also understandable why, due to his unconventionality, the Radichkover reminds people of the Rogochover. For those who have never heard of him, his name was R. Yaakov Robinson (1889-1966), and before coming to Eretz Yisrael he studied with R. Baruch Ber Leibowitz. You can read more about him here and here. Two responsa in R. Moshe Feinstein’s Iggerot Moshe were sent to the Radichkover. Both of these responsa are from 1933, when R. Moshe was still in Russia.[8]
If you look at the Wikishiva page on the Radichkover here, it says that he died in 1977. So how do I know that this is incorrect and that he died in 1966? Because he died at the same time as R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg. Here is a page from Beit Yaakov, Shevat 5726, p. 31, and you can see the announcement of both of their funerals.


It is typical of an Agudah publication like Beit Yaakov that it would falsely state that R. Weinberg was connected for many years with Agudat Israel. This is as false as the newspaper’s statement that he served as rosh yeshiva in Montreux.
A number of sharp comments of the Radichkover became well known in the Jerusalem yeshiva world and are mentioned in the two sites I linked to above. See also here for more of his sayings. Here is one I liked, which was written by the Radichkover in one of his works (mentioned here).[9]
הבוקר אחרי התפילה ניגש אלי יהודי ושאל אותי למה אני יושב ב"ויברך דוד". חשבתי לעצמיזה שאני יושב בלי אשהזה לא מפריע לוזה שאני יושב בלי פרנסהזה לא מפריע לומה כן מפריע לושאני יושב בויברך דוד . . .
Here is another great story dealing with the Hazon Ish (mentioned here)
ריענקל היה נתון תדיר בתחושת רדיפהמעולם לא אכל אוכל שלא הכין בעצמו ועוד שאר דברים ע"ז הדרךפעם נזעק לביתו של החזון אי"ש בטענה כי אחדים מבני הישיבה ניסו להרעילומה עליו לעשותשאלו החזון אי"ש: "מה שמו בכוס קודם את התה או את הסם". הרהר ריענקל קלות וענה: "קודם את התה ואח"כ את הסם". נענה החזו"א: "אנחנו הרי פוסקים שתתאה גבר". ונח דעתיה.
In the recently published conversations of the late R. Meir Soloveitchik, Da-Haziteih le-Rabbi Meir, vol. 1, p. 159, the Hazon Ish's wife is quoted as saying as follows about the Radichkover: 


מה"שברי לוחות", אפשר לראות ולשער מה היו הלוחות השלמות, כאשר היה בריא

While the Radichkover never published any full-length books, he published a number of short pieces. Here is the first page of his Masa Dumah.


Here is the first page of his Olam Gadol Oleh ve-Olam Katan Shokea.


A short glance at either of these works should suffice to show that we are not dealing with a “normal” talmid hakham. In Olam Gadol, p. 10, he reports that the Rogochover said about him that he was the greatest Torah scholar alive! Here is page 15 of Olam Gadol. It hardly needs to be said that what he includes here about the locked rest rooms is not the typical material found in seforim.


In Masa Dumah, p. 8, he makes the following sharp comment about R. Joseph Kahaneman. “They asked me in the Ponovezh yeshiva, what I have to say about the Ponovezher Rav. I said to them that he is greater than the Maharal of Prague. The Maharal created one golem and he created three hundred golems. The Ponovezh Yeshiva is a factory for am ha’aratzut.”
Excursus
The people who saw the Radichkover sitting during Vayvarekh David were bothered since everyone knows that this is recited standing. The ArtScroll siddur states: “One must stand from ויברך דויד until after the phrase אתה הוא ה'הא-להים, however there is a generally accepted custom to remain standing until after ברכו." I don’t like this formulation. On what basis can ArtScroll state that “one must stand”? The word “must” means that we are dealing with a halakhah, i.e., an obligation. But that is not the case at all. Standing in Vayvarekh David is only a minhag, like much else we do in the prayers.[10] As such, I think it would have been proper for ArtScroll to write, “The generally accepted practice is to stand from ויברך דויד" etc.
R. Moses Isserles, Shulhan ArukhOrah Hayyim 51:7, refers to standing in Vayvarekh David, and his language is as follows:[11]
ונהגו לעמוד כשאומרים ברוך שאמר ויברך דוד וישתבח

On this passage, the Vilna Gaon writes: לחומרא בעלמא, "it is only a stringency". R. Jehiel Michel Epstein, Arukh ha-Shulhan, Orah Hayyim 51:8, also writes that there is no halakhah to stand for Vayvarekh David.
ומצד הדין אין שום קפידא לבד בשמ"ע ומחויבים לעמוד וקדושה וקדיש וברכו.
R. Epstein returns to this matter in Arukh ha-Shulhan, Yoreh Deah 214:23. This passage is not well known as this volume of Arukh ha-Shulhan was only printed in 1991 and is not included in the standard sets of Arukh ha-Shulhan that people buy. R. Epstein writes:
מדינא דגממותר לישב בכל התפלה לבד שמונה עשרה דצריך בעמידה ושיש הרבה נוהגים ע"פ מה שנדפס בסידורים לעמוד כמו בויברך דוד וישתבח ושירת הים וכיוצא בהם גם זה אינו מנהג לקרא למי שאינו עושה כן משנה ממנהג וראיה שהרי יש מן הגדולים שחולקים בזה.
According to R. Epstein, one does not even violate a minhag by sitting for Vayvarekh David and the rest of the prayers through Yishtabah.
So we see that when it comes to standing, Vayvvarekh David has the same status as Yishtabah, i.e., standing for both is minhag. Yet ArtScroll mistakenly separates the two, regarding the standing for Vayvarekh David as halakhah and the standing for Yishtabah (and everything in between) as “a generally accepted custom.” It is worth noting that the Mishnah Berurah, Orah Hayyim 51:19, only mentions the custom of standing in Vayvarekh David, not the current practice of standing until after Yishtabah. I must note, however, that the Kaf ha-Hayyim, Orah Hayyim 51:43, quotes R. Isaac Luria that one has to stand, צריך לעמוד, during Vayevarekh David. This is similar to ArtScroll’s formulation, but I find it hard to believe that ArtScroll’s instructions are based on kabbalistic ideas.
R. Jacob Moelin (the Maharil) did not stand for Vayvarekh David. See Sefer Maharil, Makhon Yerushalayim ed., Hilkhot Tefilah, no. 1, p. 435, and R. Yair Hayyim Bacharach, Mekor Hayyim 51:7. See also R. Jacob Sasportas, Ohel Yaakov, no. 74, for a report that in Hamburg they did not stand for Vayvarekh David.
R. Samuel Garmizon (seventeenth century), Mishpetei Tzedek, no. 70, was asked about someone who was accustomed to stand in Vayvarekh David (and also in Barukh She-Amar) but now wishes to sit. Is he allowed to? R. Garmizon states that if he mistakenly thought that it was an obligation to stand and has now learned that it is only a pious practice (minhag hasidim), then he is permitted to sit and it is not regarded as if he took on a stringency as an obligation. The Yemenite practice is also not to stand for Vayvarekh David. See R. Yihye Salih, Piskei Maharitz, ed. Ratsaby, vol. 1, p. 118.
While readers might find this all interesting, they might also be wondering what it has to do with the Radichkover, since hasn’t Ashkenazic practice in the last few generations been universally to stand? Actually, this has not been the case. R. Israel Zev Gustman stated that in the Lithuanian yeshivot the practice was to sit for Vayvarekh David, and also for Yishtabah. They only stood for Barukh She-Amar and the kaddish after Yishtabah. See Halikhot Yisrael, ed. Taplin (Lakewood, 2004), p. 117.
R. Shlomo Zalman Auerbach said that the general practice is to sit for Vayvarekh David. See R. Nahum Stepansky, Ve-Alehu Lo Yibol, vol. 1, p. 61:
יש הרבה דברים שכתוב שנהגו לעמוד בהםואנחנו רואים שנוהגים שלא לעמוד בהםב"ויברך דודכותב הרמ"א שנהגו לעמוד – ולא עומדים.
I find this astounding. I have been to Ashkenazic synagogues all over the word and I have never seen people sit for Vayvarekh David. Yet R. Shlomo Zalman says that this is what people do. This passage comes from a discussion of how R. Shlomo Zalman dealt with a young yeshiva student who pressed him that people in the synagogue should stand when someone gets an aliyah and recites Barkhu. R. Shlomo Zalman replied that the minhag is to sit, adding, “You don’t see what people do?!” In other words, the fact that people sit when someone gets an aliyah shows us that this is the minhag and it should not be changed, despite what might appear in various halakhic texts.
Regarding standing during prayers, I have noticed something else. When I was young many of the old timers would sit for the various kaddishes. Today, in the Ashkenazic world, it seems that everyone stands for every kaddish, and this is in line with what R. Moses Isserles writes in Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim 56:1. Also, it seems that for the communal mi-sheberakh for sick people everyone also stands, and in some shuls they announce that everyone should stand. Why is this done? I cannot think of any reason to stand for this mi-sheberakh unless it is a way to get people to stop talking. 

Michael Feldstein recently commented to me that in the last ten years or so he has seen something that did not exist in earlier years, namely, people standing for Parashat Zakhor. I, too, noticed this in my shul, but it has only been going on for a year or two. This year, no one announced that people should stand. Some just stood up on their own and pretty much the entire shul then joined in. Unless the rabbis start announcing that people can sit down, in a few years it will probably become obligatory to stand for Parashat Zakhor, much like it now seems to be obligatory to repeat the entire verse, whereas when I was young the only words to be repeated were תמחה את זכר עמלך. (I always paid attention to this as Ki Tetze is my bar mitzva parashah.) Today, if the Torah reader tries to repeat only these words, they will tell him to go back and repeat the entire verse. What we see from all of this is that customs are constantly being created, and they often arise from the “ritual instinct” of the people, without any rabbinic guidance.

Two final points: 1. In the word ויברך the yud is a sheva nah (silent shewa). 2. The accent is on the second to last (penultimate) syllable, the ב, not on the final syllable, the ר. This word also appears in Friday night kiddush, and it is very common to hear people, including rabbis, make the mistake of treating the yud as a sheva na (vocal shewa) and also putting the accent on the last syllable. Many people also make a mistake at the beginning of kiddush by pronouncing the word ויכלו with the accent on the second to last syllable, the כ, when it should be on the last syllable, the ל. Another common pronunciation mistake is found in the Shabbat morning kiddush. וינח has the accent on the second to last syllable, the י, not on the final syllable, the נ.
Regarding the instructions in the ArtScroll siddur, another example of confusion is found in the commentary on Av Ha-Rahamim, pp. 454-455. ArtScroll writes:
As a general rule, the memorial prayer [Av ha-Rahamim] is omitted on occasions when Tachanun would not be said on weekdays, but there are any numbers of varying customs in this matter and each congregation should follow its own practice. During Sefirah, however, all agree that אב הרחמים is recited even on Sabbaths when it would ordinarily be omitted, because many bloody massacres took place during that period at the time of the Crusades. Here, too, there are varying customs, and each congregation should follow its own.
In the second-to-last sentence, ArtScroll says that “all agree”, but in the very next sentence it states that “there are varying customs.” If there are varying customs, then obviously not “all agree”. Incidentally, R. Zvi Yehudah Kook said Av ha-Rahamim every Shabbat, i.e., even when the accepted minhag is to omit it, since he felt that after the Holocaust this was the appropriate thing to do. See Va-Ani be-Golat Sibir (Jerusalem, 1992), p. 298.
Finally, since I have been speaking about different customs in prayer, I should mention something that I forgot to include in my post here, dealing with China. I believe that, outside of Israel, there is only one Ashkenazic synagogue in the world that has birkat kohanim every day.[12] This is Ohel Leah in Hong Kong. (R. Mordechai Grunberg, who has traveled all over the world as an OU mashgiach and currently works in China, told me that as far as he knows this statement is correct. I had the pleasure to spend Shabbat with him and three mashgichim from the Star-K at the wonderful Chabad House in Shanghai in June 2018.)  
I have no doubt that the reason for the Ohel Leah minhag is because its nineteenth-century community was Sephardic. At some time in the twentieth century (no one was able to tell me when) the liturgy became Ashkenazic, but the daily birkat kohanim was kept. Interestingly, although the liturgy is Ashkenazic, it is nusah sefard. I assume the reason for this is that when they decided to adopt the Ashkenazic liturgy they wanted it to still have a Sephardic flavor, and that is why they chose nusah sefard.
* * * * * * *
2. Simcha Goldstein called my attention to how earlier this year the 5 Towns Jewish Times “touched up” a picture of Ivanka Trump.


3. Here is a painting of the Rav, R. Joseph B. Soloveitchik. It was commissioned by his wife when he was fifty years old. The Rav later gave this painting to Rabbi Julius Berman, and it is currently hanging in his home. I thank Rabbi Berman who graciously allowed me to publish a picture of the painting.

4. Tzvi H. Adams contributed three fascinating and thought-provoking posts to the Seforim Blog dealing with the impact of Karaism on rabbinic literature. He has now published a comprehensive article on this matter in Oqimta, available here. Its title is “The Development of a Waiting Period Between Meat and Dairy: 9th-14th Centuries.” There is a good deal to say about this article, but let me just make a couple of comments. On p. 4 he writes:


Even many minhagim extant today were arguably initiated as a response to the Karaite movement. For example, many historians agree that the recital of the 3rd chapter from Mishnat Shabbat, “Bamme Madlikin,” on Friday evenings following the prayer service was introduced during the time of the geonim with the intent of reinforcing the rabbinic stance on having fire prepared before Shabbat, in opposition to the Karaite view that no fire may be present in one’s home on Shabbat.[13] Similar arguments have been made for the origins of the custom of reading Pirkei Avot, the introduction of which traces rabbinic teachings to Sinai, on Shabbat afternoons. Recent scholarship has demonstrated that the creation of Ta’anit Esther in geonic times was likely a reaction to Karaite practices. 
Adams does not mention what might be the most prominent example of a response to Karaite practices, namely, reciting a blessing on the Shabbat candle. This blessing does not appear in the Talmud.[14] It is a geonic innovation, and according to R. Kafih it was instituted in opposition to the Karaite view that no fire should be burning in one’s home on the Sabbath.[15] He argues that by adding a blessing to the candle lighting, the geonim created an anti-Karaite ritual. While the Karaites would sit in the dark every Friday night, not only would the Jews have light, but they would recite a blessing before lighting the candle,[16] thus showing their rejection of the Karaite position.[17] R. Meir Mazuz makes the exact same point,[18] as does R. Abraham Eliezer Hirschowitz,[19] Isaac Hirsch Weiss,[20] Jacob Z. Lauterbach,[21] and Naphtali Wieder.[22]
In fact, some have argued that not only the blessing but the candle lighting itself was instituted in response to heretics who did not use fire on the Sabbath. As Lauterbach states, “It was as a protest against the Samaritans and the Sadducees.”[23] R. Kafih sees R. Joseph Karo as sharing this opinion. He writes as follows, quoting Maggid Meisharim (and assuming that what the Maggid says represents R. Karo’s view).[24]
וכתב מרן בספרו מגיד מישרים ר"פ ויקהל ואמר ביום השבתלמימר דדוקא ביום השבת גופיה הוא דאסור לאדלקאאבל מבעוד יום לאדלקה ליה ויהא מדליק ומבעיר ביומא דשבתא שריולאפוקי מקראים דלית להו בוצינא דדליק ביומא דשבתא ע"שנראה שגם מרן ראה בחובת הדלקת נר בשבת גם פעולה נגד דעות הכופרים בתורה שבע"פ שעליהם נאמר ורשעים בחשך ידמו.
Regarding the Shabbat candle, it is also worth noting that R. Judah Leib Landsberg actually stated that the practice of candle lighting was adopted from the Persians. Since the Jews were so attached to what was a pagan practice, Ezra and Nehemiah directed this practice towards a holy purpose, much like the origin of sacrifices was explained by Maimonides.[25]
ואפילו היה דומה למנהגי הפרסייםלא היה ביד עזרא ונחמיה הכח והרצון לעקור המנהג הנשתרש באומה משנים קדמוניותולכבה האש זר "החבריםמבית ישראלובכל זאת למען תת לו איזה חינוך קדושה קדשוהו ותקנוהו להדליק האש של חול לנר קודש לקדושת השבתכסברת הרמב"ם ז"ל בענין קרבנות כנודע.
He later acknowledged that this was not a serious explanation and claimed that the practice of candle lighting went back to Moses.[26]
One final comment about Karaites: Rashi, Sukkah 35b, s.v. הרי יש, has a strange formulation. In discussing the prohibition to redeem terumah so that an Israelite could eat it, Rashi writes:


הרי יש בה היתר אכילה לכהן, וישראל נמי נפיק בה, או לקחה מכהן הואיל ויכול להאכילה לבן בתו כהן, אבל פדיון אין לה להיות ניתרת לאכילת ישראל, והאומר כן רשע הוא

How is it that Rashi refers to one who makes a mistake in this matter as a רשע? Many people have attempted to explain this passage. R. Isaac Zev Soloveitchik noted that there must have been a sect that believed that it was permitted to redeem terumah, and that is why Rashi responded so sharply.[27] Regarding this suggestion of R. Soloveitchik we can say, חכם עדיף מנביא.
R. Tuvya Preschel’s Ma’aseh Tuvyah, volume 3, recently appeared. On p. 67 it reprints an article that appeared in Sinai in 1966. Preschel points out that the notion that terumah can be redeemed is stated by none other than Anan ben David in his Sefer ha-Mitzvot. It appears that Rashi knew of this Karaite opinion and this explains his harsh reaction. This was a great insight by Preschel, Unfortunately, while this insight has been cited by many in the last fifty years, Preschel is almost never given credit.
5. Many countries in Europe have Stolpersteins. These are brass plates, created by the artist Gunter Demnig, commemorating martyrs of the Holocaust. They are put in the pavement in front of buildings where the martyrs lived. A few years ago Demnig also started doing this for survivors of the Holocaust. I arranged to have one made for R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg.
After almost two years of waiting, I am happy to report that on June 18, 2018, a Stolperstein was placed at Wilmersdorfer Strasse 106, in Berlin. There was a little ceremony when the Stolperstein was inserted. Here is a picture of Demnig installing it as well as some other pictures that I think people will find moving.







[1] Yad Peshutah, Hilkhot Rotzeah 5:5.
[2] Yesodot Hinukh ha-Dat le-Dor (Riga, 1937), p. 250.
[3] Sefer ha-Meorot, Moed Katan, ed. Blau (New York, 1964), pp. 73-74 (to Moed Katan 20a).
[4] For a great story about the Rogochover told by R. Menahem Mendel Schneerson, see Likutei Sihot, vol. 16, pp.  374-375.
[5] Yeshiva University’s Gottesman Library also has a large archive of over 2500 letters and postcards sent to the Rogochover. This material was sent to the United States before World War II by the Rogochover’s daughter. I published a lengthy letter from this collection in my article on the dispute over the Frankfurt rabbinate. See Milin Havivin 3 (2007), pp 26-33.

The Zaphnath Paneah Institute at YU no longer exists. When I look at old material from YU, I often come across things that are now only a memory. Here is something I think people might find interesting.



















(Unfortunately, the picture I took is not so clear.) The Beit Midrash li-Gedolei Torah was the name of a kollel at YU in the 1940s and 1950s headed by R. Avigdor Cyperstein. I thank his daughter, Mrs. Naomi Gordon, for allowing me to go through his papers where I found the stationery with the name of the kollel. R. Gedaliah Dov Schwartz was actually a member of this kollel. See Ha-Pardes, Tevet 5751, p. 58 and Kislev 5752, p. 1. Today YU has a number of kollels, see here, but none with this name. Does anyone know when this kollel stopped functioning?
[6] Mi-Shibud li-Geulah mi-Pesah ad Shavuot (n.p., 1996), p. 87.
[7] See his Masa Dumah, p. 4.
[8] Iggerot Moshe, Yoreh Deah, vol. 1, nos. 4, 74. The first responsum mistakenly has the place of authorship as London, when it should say Luban. The city name appears correctly in the second responsum, which was written on the same day as the first. See here.
[9] See the Excursus where I discuss standing for Vayvarekh David.
[10] Saying Vayvarekh David is itself only a minhag. See Tur, Orah Hayyim 51:7:

ובתקון הגאונים כתוב יש נוהגים לומר ויברך דוד את ה'

[11] In Darkhei Moshe, Orah Hayyim 51 he writes:

המנהג עכשיו לעמוד מויברך דוד עד תפראתך

From his words we see that people only stood for the first half of Vayvarekh David.
[12] There is a lot of confusion as to how to pronounce the word ברכה in both the singular and plural construct: ברכת and ברכות. The first is pronounced birkat, as there is a dagesh in the כ. The second is pronounced birkhot, as there is no dagesh in the כ, and is parallel to the word הלכות – hilkhot. Interestingly, ברכתי (“my blessing”) does not have a dagesh in the כ even though ברכת does. I don’t think that there is any grammatical rule that can adequately explain all this. We know how the words related to ברכה are pronounced because they are attested to numerous times in Tanakh.

The word הלכות does not appear in Tanakh, and the Yemenite tradition is actually to pronounce it as hilkot, with a dagesh in the כ. See here. When not quoting from Tanakh, the Yemenite tradition is also to pronounce ברכת as birkhat, as in birkhat ha-mazon. See here.
[13] It is not only historians who say this. See R. Yitzhak Yeshaya Weiss, Birkat Elisha (Bnei Brak, 2016), vol. 3, p. 37, and see also R. Shimon Szimonowitz, Meor Eifatekha, p. 4, who cites R. Jacob Schorr and R. Serayah Deblitsky.
[14] A number of Ashkenazic rishonim quote a passage from the Jerusalem Talmud that speaks of a blessing on the Sabbath light, yet this is not found in any extant text and scholars agree that it is not an authentic Yerushalmi text. See the comprehensive discussion in R. Ratzon Arusi, “Birkat Hadlakat Ner shel Yom Tov,” Sinai 85 (1979), pp. 63ff. See also Jacob Z. Lauterbach, Rabbinic Essays (Cincinatti, 1951), p. 459 n. 98 and Sefer Ra’avyah, ed. Aptowitzer, vol. 1, p. 263 n. 10.
[15] See Teshuvot ha-Rav Kafih le-Talmido Tamir Ratzon, ed. Itamar Cohen (Kiryat Ono, 2016), pp. 162-163, and R. Kafih's commentary to Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Shabbat 5:1, n. 1.
[16] I use the word “candle”, rather than the plural, “candles”, as the practice of lighting two candles only originated later, in medieval Ashkenaz. See R. Gedaliah Oberlander, Minhag Avoteinu Be-Yadenu: Shabbat Kodesh (Monsey, 2010), pp. 11ff. I was surprised to learn that R. Meir Soloveitchik's daughters each lit a Shabbat candle and recited the blessing from the time they were three years old. See Da-Haziteih le-Rabbi Meir, vol. 1, p. 323.
[17] In later years we find that some Karaites adopted the practice of lighting candles on Friday night. Se Dov Lipetz, “Ha-Karaim be-Lita,” in Yahadut Lita (Tel Aviv, 1959), vol. 1, p. 142
[18] Bayit Ne’eman 38 (25 Heshvan 5777), p. 3, Bayit Ne'eman 118 (10 Tamuz 5778), p. 2 n. 9. In She’elot u-Teshuvot Bayit Ne’eman, p. 190, he does not present this approach as absolute fact, but states that it is “nearly certain”.

וקרוב לודאי שברכת נר שבת נתקנה בימי הגאונים להוציא מדעת הקראים

[19] Otzar Kol Minhagei Yeshurun (St. Louis, 1917), p. 232.
[20] Dor Dor ve-Doreshav (Vilna, 1904), vol. 4, p. 97. Weiss points to other examples of practices that he suggests were a response to Karaites, such as counting the omer at night, betrothing a woman with a ring, and reciting רבי ישמעאל אומר in the morning prayers. R. Judah Leib Maimon claims that the practice of a Saturday night melaveh malka was instituted by the geonim in opposition to the Karaites, who saw the Sabbath as a difficult and depressing day, in contrast to traditional Jews who find it difficult to part with the Sabbath. See Sefer ha-Gra, ed. Maimon (Jerusalem, 1954), vol. 1, p. 80.
[21] Rabbinic Essays, p. 460. He writes that the blessing was “probably intended as a more emphatic protest against the Karaites.”
[22] “Berakhah Bilti Yeduah al Keriat Perek ‘Bameh Madlikin,’” Sinai 82 (1978), p. 217.
[23] Rabbinic Essays, p. 459. See also Yehudah Muriel, Iyunim ba-Mikra (Tel Aviv, 1960), vol. 2, p. 131.
[24] Commentary to Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Shabbat 5:1, n. 1.
[25] Hikrei Lev (Satmar, 1908), vol. 4, p. 84.
[26] Ibid, pp. 84, 86ff.
[27] Shimon Yosef Meler, Uvdot ve-Hanhagot mi-Beit Brisk (Jerusalem, 2000), vol. 4, p. 310.

Happy July 4th

Book announcement: Two books on Karlin-Stolin Chasidim

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Book announcement: Two books on Karlin-Stolin Chasidim
By Eliezer Brodt

בנימין בראון, כספינה מיטלטלת, חסידות קרלין בין עליות למשברים, 659 עמודים, מרכז זלמן שזר
ר'אברהם אביש שור, כתבים,פרקי תולדות ועיון במשנת קרלין-סטולין, תדפיסים מתוך קובץ בית אהרן וישראל, 1229 + 18 עמודים.

Recently a good amount of literature devoted to Chasidim has appeared. In this announcement I am just mentioning two recent works, related specifically to Karlin-Stolin Chasidim. One is written by an academic (outsider) and one is written by a Stoliner Chassid (insider). This would be a great way to compare them, based on Chaim Liberman’s classic essay “Keitzad Chokrim Chasidus BYisrael?” (Ohel Rochel, 1, pp. 1-49).

The first volume is from Dr. Benny Brown, renowned for his massive book on the Chazon Ish a few years back (mentioned hereand here) and for a more recent book edited by him (mentioned here) called HaGedolim. Last year Dr. Brown wrote a book devoted to understanding Charedim (451 pp.) called Madrich Lechevrah HaCharedis, where part of it he focuses on Chassidim. A few months ago his latest volume appeared, devoted to Karlin-Stolin (659 pp.) titled כספינה מיטלטלת.

This book also includes many documents which he got from insiders (no idea why they gave it to him). I was happy to see some discussion of a special Karliner Chasid that I had the great privilege to have a close relationship with, R’ Yossel Zeinvorth.

The table of contents to this work may be viewed here (link). 

Here is the cover:

































The second book just released earlier this week is called Kesavim from Rabbi Abish Shor. R’ Abish is one of the most prolific writers in the Charedi Chasidic world. His articles have been featured in the Karlin-Stolin journal Kovetz Beis Aron V'Yisroelfor the past thirty years. This is a collection of all his essays that appeared in that journal arranged in chronological and topical order. This volume has important information related to the history of Chasidim in general, based on numerous manuscripts amongst other sources. This huge volume was printed in a limited edition and for a short time is available for sale through me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

View the table of contents to the work here (link).

Here is the cover:


מצות ישיבת ארץ ישראל

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מצות ישיבת ארץ ישראל
בצלאל נאור
א]
רבי אבא הוה קא משתמיט מיניה דרב יהודהדהוה קא בעי למיסק לארעא דישראלדאמר רב יהודהכל העולה מבבל לארץ ישראל עובר בעשהשנאמר "בבלה יובאו ושמה יהיו עד יום פקדי אותם נאום ה' [והעליתים והשיבותים אל המקום הזה]" [ירמיה כזכב].
אמראיזיל ואשמע מיניה מילתא מבית וועדא והדר אפיקאזל1 אשכחיה לתנא דקתני קמיה דרב יהודההיה עומד בתפלה ונתעטשממתין עד שיכלה הרוח וחוזר ומתפללאיכא דאמריהיה עומד בתפלה ובקש להתעטשמרחיק לאחריו ארבע אמות ומתעטשוממתין עד שיכלה הרוחוחוזר ומתפלל ואומר, "רבונו של עולםיצרתנו נקבים נקביםחלולים חלוליםגלוי וידוע לפניך חרפתנו וכלימתנו בחיינוובאחריתנו רימה ותולעה". ומתחיל ממקום שפסק.
אמר ליהאילו לא באתי אלא לשמוע דבר זהדיי!
(ברכות כדב)
יש לבאר שרבי אבא עמד בפני דילמה גדולהמצד אחדבערה בו חיבת הארץרבי אבא נעשה לשם דבר עבור חיבת ארץ ישראל שלו. "רבי אבא מנשק כיפי דעכו".2 אמנם לעומתו עמדה שיטת רבורב יהודהשהתנגד בכל תוקף לעלייה מבבל לארץ ישראל.
במצב כזה שהיה "על הגדרומתנדנד בשרעפי לבוקרהו מקרה—"השגחה פרטית"—שהכריע לצד העלייה לארץ ישראלהוא שמע הלכה שמי שנתעטש מלמטהמתרחק ארבע אמות ממקום התפילה שלווכשיכלה הרוחחוזר למקומו הראשון ומתפללרבי אבא בחכמתו ובתבונתו שמע לקח לגבי גורל ישראלהגם שחטאו ישראל על דרך שכתוב "נרדי נתן ריחו",3 "ומפני חטאינו גלינו מארצנו",4 אין חייבים להישאר בגלות בבל עד ביאת גואלאלא משיכלה הרוחחוזרים לארצם ומתחילים את העבודה ממקום שפסקו.5
ב]
רבי זירא הוה קא משתמיט מדרב יהודהדבעי למיסק לארעא דישראלדאמר רב יהודהכל העולה מבבל לארץ ישראל עובר בעשהשנאמר "בבלה יובאו ושמה יהיו" [ירמיה כזכב].
אמראיזיל ואשמע מיניה מילתא ואיתי ואיסקאזל אשכחיה דקאי בי באניוקאמר ליה לשמעיההביאו לי נתרהביאו לי מסרק...
אמראילמלא באתי אלא לשמוע דבר זהדיי!
קא משמע לן דברים של חול מותר לאומרם בלשון קודש.
(שבת מאא)
גם רבי זירא התלבט אם לעלות לארץ ישראל או להישאר בבבלהוא השתוקק לעלות לארץ ישראל אבל עמד מנגד פסק דינו של רבורב יהודהשאסר העלייה מבבל לארץ ישראל.6 וגם לו קרה מקרה—"השגחה פרטית"—שהכריע את כף המאזנים לצד העלייה לארץ ישראל אם עוד קינן ספק בלבואף הוא שמע הלכה חדשה—מתוך "מעשה רב"—שהפיק ממנה לקח לגבי העלייה לארץ ישראלכנראה שהיו כאלה שסברו שאסור לומר דברים של חול בלשון הקודששסברו שרק דברים של קודש מותר לומר בלשון הקודשומפי רבורב יהודה—"מרא דשמעתתאגופיה—שמע יקרות לשון הקודש והבין שכמה שיותר יש לדבר בלשון הקודש.
"תני בשם רבי מאירכל מי שהוא קבוע בארץ ישראלואוכל חוליו בטהרהומדבר בלשון הקודשוקורא את שמע בבוקר ובערב—מובטח לו שהוא מחיי העולם הבא".7
גתוספות כתובות קי"א אד"ה בבלה יובאו ושמה יהיו: "אף על-גב דהאי קרא בגלות ראשון כתיביש לומר דבגלות שני נמי קפיד קרא".
דברי התוספות אינם מובנים כל הצורךוכבר כתבתי במקום אחר,8 שישנו חבל ראשונים שכתבו שבאמת בית שני לא היווה גאולה אלא "פקידהבעלמאשמלכי בית חשמונאי לא השיגו מלוא העצמאות ועדיין משועבדים היו למלכי פרס ויוון ורומיראה פירוש רבינו עזרא מגירונה לשיר השירים חיג: "הלא לא היתה לישראל מלוכה וממשלה כל ימי בית שני כי תחת מלכי פרס ויוון ורומי היו".9 וכן כתוב בדרשות הר"ןסוף הדרוש השביעי,10 וביתר הרחבה באור השם לתלמידו רחסדאי קרשקש.11
ואם כןאיננו צריכים לתירוץ התוספות אלא מובן מאליו שגלות ראשון וגלות שני היינו הךהמשך אחד עם פסק זמן באמצע הקרוי "בית שני". מפורש אומר רבי חסדאי: "האמת הגמור לפי מה שיראהשהגלות הזה שאנחנו בוהוא הגלות שנמשך מחורבן הבית הראשון".12
אולם הרמב"ם לא יסבור כן שהרי כתב בהלכות חנוכה פ"ג הל"א: "וחזרה מלכות לישראל יתר על מאתיים שנה עד החורבן השני". והוא יצטרך לתירוץ התוספותוצריך עיון.13
דהרמב"ן החשיב ישיבת ארץ ישראל למצות-עשה מן התורה (עיין פירושו במדבר לגנגוכן מנאה במניין המצוות שלו (מצות-עשה רביעית לדעת הרמב"ןנדפס בספר המצוות לרמב"ם). וזה לשונו שם: "הכל הוא ממצות עשה שנצטווינו לרשת הארץ ולשבת בהאם כןמצות עשה לדורותמתחייב כל יחיד ממנו ואפילו בזמן גלות".
והנה יש לנו ספר חשוב בשם מגילת אסתר (ויניציאהשנ"בשנכתב להצדיק את שיטת הרמב"ם בספר המצוות מהשגות הרמב"ןמחברו ריצחק ליאון בן אליעזר אבן צור ספרדי.14
זה לשון מגילת אסתר (דפוס ויניציאה שנ"ב), דף צז ע"ב:
ונראה לי כי מה שלא מנאה הרב [=הרמב"םהוא לפי שמצות ירושת הארץ וישיבתה לא נהגה רק בימי משה ויהושע ודוד וכל זמן שלא גלו מארצםאבל אחר שגלו מעל אדמתם אין מצוה זו נוהגת לדורות עד עת בא המשיחכי אדרבא נצטוינו לפי מה שאמרו בסוף כתובות [קי"א א'] שלא נמרוד באומות ללכת לכבוש את הארץ בחזקהוהוכיחוהו מפסוק "השבעתי אתכם בנות ירושלים וגומרודרשו בו שלא יעלו ישראל בחומה15...ועוד ראיה שאין בו מצוה ממה שאמרו גם כן התם [=כתובות ק"י ב'] כל העולה מבבל לארץ ישראל עובר בעשה שנאמר "בבלה יובאו ושמה יהיו". ואם היה מצוה בדירת ארץ ישראל בכל הזמניםאיך יבוא נביא אחרי משה לסתור את דבריו והא אין נביא רשאי לחדש דבר מעתה וכל-שכן לסתור.
מהר"ץ חיות בהגהותיו ברכות כ"ד בדחה דבריו האחרונים: "ואני אומרולטעמיך גם לשיטתו [=לשיטת הרמב"םלא יתכןדאפילו אם מצות עשה דירושת הארץ אינה לדורותמכל מקום אין נביא רשאי לחדש דבראלא ודאי דאמירת ירמיה איננה רק תקנה כשאר תקנות נביאים שאינן בכלל מצוות..."
אמנם יש להפריך את דברי המגילת אסתר באופן יסודי יותראלה דברי הרמב"ם בספר המצוותמצוה קעב:
היא שצונו לשמוע כל נביא מהנביאים לעשות כל מה שיצוה אפילו בהיפך מצוה או כלל מצות מהמצוות האלו ובתנאי שיהיה זה לפי שעהלא שיצוה להתמיד תוספת או חסרוןכמו שבארנו בפתיחת חבורנו בפירוש המשנהוהכתוב שבא בו הציווי הזה הוא אמרו "אליו תשמעון" [דברים יחטו] ...
וכן כתב הרמב"ם בחיבורו הגדול משנה תורההלכות יסודי התורה פ"ט הל"ג: "וכן אם יאמר לנו הנביא שנודע לנו שהוא נביאלעבור על אחת מכל מצוות האמורות בתורהאו על מצוות הרבהבין קלות בין חמורותלפי שעה—מצוה לשמוע לו".
ולכן מילתא דפשיטא הוא שמה שציווה ירמיהו הנביא "בבלה יובאו ושמה יהיו", הוראת שעה היאכדברי הנביא עצמו "עד יום פקדי אותםנאום ד'".
אלא שנצטרך להבהיר שישנה "שעהשמתארכת מאות שניםוכבר הוכחנו זאת במקום אחר מדברי הרמב"ם בהלכות בית הבחירה פ"ד הל"א שמנה בין הכלים הנטפלים לארון את מטה אהרן וצנצנת המן והשמיט את הארגז ששיגרו פלשתים דורון לאלוקי ישראלמשום שאינו אלא על דרך הוראת שעה ולא הוראה לדורות.16
לכןמה שחשב בעל מגילת אסתר להוכיח שמצות ישיבת ארץ ישראל אינה מצוה לדורות מזה שהנביא ירמיהו יכל לאסור העלייה לארץ ישראל (לדברי רב יהודה), נפל בביראכי יתכן מאד שהמצוה נוהגת לדורות והנביא לא אמר לבטלה אלא "לפי שעה".17
היש בידינו ספר יקר מאדמסולא בפזמאחד ה"חסידים הראשונים", שהיה שייך לחוג הנרחב של הבעש"טרבנימין מגיד מישרים דק"ק זלאזיץשם הספר הוא אהבת דודים (למברגתקנ"ג), פירוש על שיר השירים.18 בפירוש לפסוק "השבעתי אתכם בנות ירושלים בצבאות או באילות השדה אם תעירו ואם תעוררו את האהבה עד שתחפץ" (שיר השירים בז), כותב רבנימין דברים נוראים המרקיעים שחקים.
הגמרא סוטה (י"ג ב') אומרת: "כל העושה דבר ולא גמרו—קובר אשתו ובניו". בבראשית רבה (פהגהלשון: "כל מי שהוא מתחיל במצוה ואינו גומרה—קובר את אשתו ואת בניו".
מקשה המגיד מזלאזיץ:
וצריך להביןהא כל מדותיו של הקב"ה מדה כנגד מדהוקשהוכי כך היא המדה שיבוא עונש כזה על שאינו גומר המצוה?
שניתלמה יהיה זה האדם יותר גרוע ממי שאינו מתחיל בה כלל?
המגיד מסביר על-פי משל:
ונראה לתת טעם לשבחומבשרי נחזהבאלפי אלפים הבדלותכשאדם בא לקרב את עצמו אל היחוד הגשמי ונתעורר[התאות שניהם אל היחודובא איזה דבר המונע לגמור יחודםכמה "אנפיהם עציבין",19 ולא עוד אלא במה שהיה אפשר להם להוליד איזו נשמה קדושה ביחודםלא די שלא הולידו בקדושהאף זו שלפעמים יצא חס-ושלום ממנו לבטלה הואיל שנתעורר לזווגויתן כח חס-ושלום לחיצונים בהתעוררות זיווג זה.
ותיכף למשלנמשל:
כן הדבר הזהכשהתחיל לעשות היחוד באיזו מצוהובאתערותא דלתתא אתער לעילאהעלאות מ"ן [=מיין נוקביןוהורדות מ"ד [=מיין דוכרין], וכשלא נגמר היחוד כדקא יאותגורם ד"אתכסיא סיהרא",20 שהיא מדת מלכות...
והוא הדבר אשר גורם מי שהתחיל במצוה ואינו גומרהונמצא לפי זה עונשו הוא לפי המדהכשם שהוא גורם ש"אתכסיא סיהרא", לכך הוא קובר אשתו ונכסית ממנווכשם שגרם ש"נהורא לא אשתכח",21 שלא קיבלה המיין דוכריןשהיא [=שהןנשמות קדושותשהיה יכול להוליד מזה היחודלכך קובר בניוחס-ושלום.22
כך מפרש אחד מגדולי החסידות את השבועה בשיר-השירים, "אם תעירו ואם תעוררו את האהבה עד שתחפץ". הדברים נאמרו במישור הפרטי שהמתחיל במצוה מושבע ועומד לגומרהאולם ניתן להעתיק את הדברים אל המישור הכלליכנסת ישראל התחילה במצות ישוב ארץ ישראל. "באתערותא דלתתאאתער לעילא". אחינו בני ישראלאל נא נרפה ממצוה זומושבעים אנו בכל חומר השבועה לגמור את אשר החלנו.

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.רש"א גורסוועד ואתי ואזיל
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.כתובות קיבא
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.שיר השירים איא ורש"י שם
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.תפילת מוסף של שלוש רגלים
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.(כבר נדפס ממני דרוש זה בראשית אוני על מסכת ברכותחלק א (ניו-יורק תשל"ה
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בעלייתו לארץ ישראל הצטיין רבי זירא במסירות הנפש שלוכמסופר בשלהי מסכת כתובות (קי"ב א'): "רבי זירא כי הוה סליק לארץ ישראללא אשכח מברא למיעברנקט במצרא וקעבר". (רש"ינקט במצרא—יש מקום שאין גשרומשליכים עץ על רוחב הנהר משפה לשפהואינו רחב לילך עליוכי-אם אוחז בידיו בחבל המתוח למעלה הימנוקשור שני ראשיו בשתי יתידותאחת מכאן ואחת מכאןבשני עברי הנהר.)
מלבד מסירות הנפש הגופניתהיתה כאן מסירות נפש רוחניתאלה דברי מו"ר הרב צבי יהודה הכהן קוק זצ"ל:

לא רק במסירות גופו בהסתכנות חייו בהיותו "נקט במצראכדי להזדרז ולהגיע אליה [=אל ארץ ישראלבהקדםכאשר "לא אשכח מברא למיעבר" (כתובות קי"ב א'), אלא גם במסירות נפשו והקרבת עמדתו הרוחנית בשביל זהכי ירא שמים כמוהוהלא בודאי היה לו "מורא רבו כמורא שמים" (אבות פ"ד מ"יבבכל תוקפואכן בהחלטתו לעלות לארץ ישראל השתמט מלפני רבו רב יהודהשאמר "כל העולה מבבל לארץ ישראל עובר בעשה", ומקיים בפועל את העלייה לארץבמסירות נפש והקרבה רוחניתלמרות הוראתו זו של רבו.

(רצי"ה קוקלנתיבות ישראלב [ירושליםתשל"ט], "תורה לשמה והארץ לשמה", עמ'לא)

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ירושלמישבת פ"א הל"גובירושלמי שקלים פ"ג הל"ג הסדר הפוך: "ומדבר בלשון הקודש ואוכל פירותיו בטהרה". (ועיין בתקלין חדתין שם מרישראל משקלובתלמיד הגר"אשפירש  על דרך הסוד שישיבת ארץ הקודשאכילת פירות בטהרההדיבור בלשון הקודשוקריאת שמע כנגד גוף ונר"ןמתתא לעילאואם כן הסדר במסכת שבת מדוייק טפי.) יש עוד שינויבמסכת שקלים הנוסח: "יהא מבושר שבן עולם הבא הוא". אמנם בכפתור ופרח לרבינו אשתורי הפרחיפרק ימביא את הגמרא הירושלמית שקלים בזה הלשון: "יהא מובטח שהוא מבני העולם הבא".
8
.בספרי אוירין (ירושליםתש"מ), עמפה-פז
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.כתבי רמב"ןערך רח"ד שוולכרך ב (ירושליםתשכ"ד), עמתקיז
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.רבינו נסים בן ראובן גירונדידרשות הר"ןערך ראריה לפלדמן (ירושליםתשל"ז), עמ'קכג
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רחסדאי קרשקשאור השםמאמר ג ח"אכלל חפרק בבמהדורת מו"ר רבי שלמה פישר שליט"א (ירושליםתש"ן), עמשסח-שסט
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.שםעמשסט
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וראה מה שכתב בשיטת הרמב"ם (הלכות מלכים פרק ההלכה יברחיים הלויזה מקרוב נדפס:

ונראה לומרדהנה התוספות (כתובות קי"א אד"ה בבלההקשו דהאי קרא דבבלה בגלות ראשון הוא דכתיבותירצו דילפינן גלות שני מגלות ראשוןוהנה צריך עיון דאיך ילפינן גלות שני מגלות ראשון כיון דקדושה ראשונה לא קידשה אלא לשעתהונמצא דלא היה על כל יחיד ויחיד הך מצוה דישיבת ארץ ישראלמה שאין כן בקדושה שניה דקידשה לעתיד לבואונמצא דאיכא על כל יחיד הך מצוה דאורייתא של ישיבת ארץ ישראלאפשר דבכי האי גוונא ליכא להך דינא דשמה יהיו.
ואשר על כן סובר הרמב"ם דהך דינא דאסור לעלות מבבל לארץ ישראל לא קיימא אלא אם נימא דקדושה שניה גם כן בטלהאו דנימא דקדושה ראשונה גם כן לא בטלהאבל אם אך נימא דראשונה בטלה ושניה לא בטלהבאמת ליכא למילף גלות שני מגלות ראשוןכיון דבגלות שני איכא מצות עשה דישיבת ארץ ישראלמה שאין כן בגלות ראשון.
אכן כל זה הוא רק לעניין ארץ ישראלמה שאין כן לעניין שאר ארצותהרי גלות ראשון וגלות שני שוויןושפיר ילפינן שני מראשוןועל כן הרמב"ם דפסק (פ"ו מהלכות בית הבחירה הלט"זדקדושה ראשונה בטלה ושניה קידשה לעתיד לבואעל כן שפיר חילקוכתב דלעניין שאר ארצות איכא הך עשה דושמה יהיומה שאין כן לעניין ארץ ישראל ליכא הך עשהכיון דאיכא עשה דישיבת ארץ ישראלוכמו שנתבארודוק.

(כתבי רבנו חיים הלוי מכי"ק [טאג בוך], ערך הרב יצחק אבא ליכטנשטיין [ירושלים,תשע"ח], עמקלט)

לפי הסבר רחיים הלוימצות ישיבת ארץ ישראל תלויה בקדושת הארץ לגבי תרומות ומעשרות וכו' (וכן העלה באבני נזרחלק יורה דעהסימן תנדאותיות לגלהלטדלמ"ד קידשה ג"כ לע"ל היא מצוה דאורייתאולמ"ד לא קידשה לע"ל אין מ"ע דישיבת ארץ ישראל בזמן הזה רק מדרבנן).
אמנם יעויין בספר כפתור ופרח לרבנו אשתורי הפרחיפרק יו"דשמבוארת דעתו שאין מצות ישוב הארץ תלויה במצוות התלויות בארץ (ודעתו מיוסדת על הלכות ארץ ישראל לרבינו ברוך בעל ספר התרומה). הובאו דברי הכפתור ופרח במבוא לספר שבת הארץ לראי"ה קוקפרק טווכן במשפט כהן להנ"לסימן סג (עמקכט), בתשובה לרידב"ז: "הנה כבר האריך בכפתור ופרח (פ"ישקדושת ארץ ישראל וקדושת המצוות תרי מילי נינהוואפילו כשנפקעה קדושת המצוה...מכל מקום מצוה רבה יש בישוב ארץ הקודש מפני קדושתה העצמית".
וקדמו בזה הרמב"ן בחידושיו ריש מסכת גיטין: "ואי נמי סבירא להו לא קידשה לעתיד לבוא לעניין תרומות ומעשרותחביבא עלייהודהא איכא דאמרי קדושה שלישית יש להםואף על-פי כן ארץ ישראל בחיבתה היא עומדת ובקדושתה לעניין ישיבתה ודירתה".
לאחרונהראיתי חכם אחד שביקש להעמיס חילוק זה של הרמב"ן והכפתור ופרח—בין קדושת ארץ ישראל העצמית ומצות ישובה לבין קדושת המצוות כגון תרומות ומעשרות—ברמב"םוחיליה מרמב"ם הלכות שבת פרק והלכה יא: "הלוקח בית בארץ ישראל מן הגוי,מותר לומר לגוי לכתוב לו שטר בשבתשאמירה לגוי בשבת אסורה מדבריהם ומשום ישוב ארץ ישראל לא גזרו בדבר זהוכן הלוקח בית מהם בסוריאשסוריא כארץ ישראל לדבר זה".והקשה המגן אברהם (אורח חייםסימן שוסקי"א): "צריך עיון דהא ברייתא [גיטין ח'] סבירא לה כיבוש יחיד שמיה כיבושואם כן אסור ליתן להם חנייה בקרקע מלאו ד'לא תחנם', לכן מותר לעבור איסור דרבנןאבל כיון דהרמב"ם פסק דכיבוש יחיד לא שמיה כיבושלמה נדחה דרבנן מפני דרבנן?" וחידש החכם הנ"ל שלרמב"ם בסוריא אין קדושת מצוות תרומות ומעשרות אבל קדושת הארץ העצמית—וממילא מצות ישובה—ישנהואם כןהשבות דרבנן של אמירה לגוי נדחית מפני המצוה דאורייתא של ישוב ארץ ישראלעד כאן תורף דבריו.
אמנם אין צריך לזהשהרי "לשבת יצרהמצוה דרבנןומכל מקום כתבו התוספות בכמה דוכתי (גיטין מאב ד"ה לא תוהו בראה לשבת יצרהובבא בתרא יגא ד"ה שנאמר לא תוהו בראהשהיא "מצוה רבה". ואף לגבי סוריאיש לומר שהרמב"ם סובר באמת שישובה מצוה דרבנןברם מכיון ש"מצוה רבההיאנדחית השבות דאמירה לגוי מפניהועיין תוספותשבת דא ד"ה וכי אומרים לו לאדם חטא בשביל שיזכה חבירך.
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ראה עליו בשם הגדולים לגרחיד"אערך "יצחק דיליאון" (יו"ד—שלג), שבשנת ש"ו כתב איזה פסקוכתוב שם שהיה תושב אנקונה (של איטליא).
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"אין למידין מן ההגדות" (ירושלמיפאה פ"ב הל"ד). דבר השבועה הוא בגדר אגדה ולא הלכה.  ראה שו"ת אבני נזר לראברהם בורנשטיין מסוכצ'ובחלק יורה דעההלכות ישיבת ארץ ישראלסימן תנדאותיות מ-נוזה לשונו שם אות נ: "ובהכי ניחא שהרמב"ם וכל הפוסקים לא הביאו דין החמש שבועות שנשבעו ישראל דזה אין עסק בהלכהדבאמת האדם עצמו כמו שהוא בגוף לא נצטוה רק שורש הנשמה למעלה". ובאות נא: "קרא דהשבעתי...אין בזה לא ציווי ולא אזהרה שהיא רק שבועת הנשמה בשורשה". ובתור שכזו—אגדה ולא הלכה—הביא הרמב"ם את דבר השבועה באגרת תימן (ראה אגרות הרמב"םמהדורת הרב קאפחירושלים תשנ"דעמנה), והשמיטו מחיבורו ההלכתימשנה תורה.

חכם אחד העיר לי דיוק נפלא ברמב"ם הלכות מלכים (פי"ב הל"דשאינו סובל את איום השבועה שלא יעלו בחומה.
כותב הרמב"ם:

ואם יעמוד מלך מבית דוד הוגה בתורה ועוסק במצוות כדוד אביו כפי תורה שבכתב ושבעל-פהויכוף כל ישראל לילך בה ולחזק בדקהוילחם מלחמות ה'—הרי זה בחזקת שהוא משיח.
אם עשה והצליח ונצח כל האומות שסביביוובנה מקדש במקומו וקיבץ נדחי ישראל—הרי זה משיח ודאי.
ואם לא הצליח עד כהאו נהרג—בידוע שאינו זה שהבטיחה עליו תורהוהרי הוא ככל מלכי בית דוד השלמים הכשרים שמתו.
למה נחשב מלך זה שלא הצליח למלך שלם וכשרהרי "נלחם מלחמות ה'", וממילא העביר את ישראל על השבועה שלא יעלו בחומהובסוף לא רק שהורעה חזקתו אלא איגלאי מילתא למפרע שהרשיעואם כןהיה לו לרמב"ם לפסוק דינו ככל המלכים הרשעיםאלא, "בהדי כבשי דרחמנא למה לך?!" (ברכות יא').
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.ראה בצלאל נאוראמונת עתיך (ירושליםתשמ"ז), "הארון ואביזריו", עמקלט-קמ
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אגבהמגילת אסתר כתב דבר תמוה מאד במצות-עשה החמישית (דפוס ויניציאה שנ"בדף פו ע"א): "שמה שתקנו אלו הזמנים [=זמני התפילהאינם לעיכובארק למצוהדהא תפילה רחמי נינהוובכל עת הוא זמן רחמים". וכבר שקיל למטרפסיה בשאגת אריהסימן טו (בהמשך לסימן יד).
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יש אומרים שרבנימין היה תלמיד ריחיאל מיכל מזלוטשובהוא חיבר ספרים נוספיםחלקת בנימין על הגדה של פסח (לבובתקנ"ד); אמתחת בנימין על מגילת קוהלת (מינקאוויץ,תקנ"ו); תורי זהב על התורה (מאהלובתקע"ו). כבר בשער ספרו אהבת דודים (למברג,תקנ"גנזכר שמו בברכת המתים.
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בנימין הביא את דברי ספר הזוהרחלק בקפאב

אמר רבי שמעוןכלא איהו קריבא למאן דידע ליחדא יחודא ולמפלח למאריהדהא בזמנא דאשתכח קרבנא כדקא יאותכדין אתקריב כלא כחדא ונהירו דאנפין אשתכח בעלמא בבי מקדשא...וכד קרבנא לא אשתכח כדקא יאותאו יחודא לא הוי כדקא יאותכדין אנפין עציבין,ונהירו לא אשתכחואתכסיא סיהראושלטא סטרא אחרא בעלמאואחריב בי מקדשאבגין דלא אית מאן דידע ליחדא שמא דקב"ה כדקא יאות.
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.ספר הזוהרשם
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.ספר הזוהרשם.
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.רבנימין מזלאזיץאהבת דודים (למברגתקנ"ג), כזא-ב

The Ze’enah –Re’enah and its Author

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The Ze’enah –Re’enahand its Author
Morris M. Faierstein, Ph.D.

It has traditionally assumed that Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac of Yanova was the author of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah. Every edition of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah lists him as the author on the title page. Recently, this assumption has been questioned and the suggestion made that there may have been another author of this seminal work in addition to Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac. This article will consider two aspects of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah and its author. First, the two-author theory and its evidence. Second, who was the author of a section of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah entitled “Hurbanha Bayit[Destruction of the Temple]”, which is found immediately following the commentary on Lamentations?

1. The two-author theory.

The second volume of the earliest extant edition of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah (Basel/Hanau, 1622) begins with the following statement:

The five Megillotand the Haftarot. In addition, Hurban ha-Bayit[Destruction of the Temple] in Yiddish which was weighed and researched by the noble and pious Rabbi Jacob, the son of Rabbi Isaac, of blessed memory, from the family of Rabbino, who erected his tent and dwells in the holy community of Janova. He is the man who has already authored the five books of the Torah in Yiddish with nice midrashimand innovative interpretations.”

The same or similar statement can be found in all subsequent editions of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah. Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac was also the author of several other books, published both during his lifetime and posthumously by family members. A statement of his authorship of the Ze’enah U-Re’enahis also found in these books.[1] The first one to question the authorship of the whole Ze’enah U-Re’enah byRabbi Jacob ben Isaac, was Simon Neuberg in his book, Pragmatische Aspekte der jiddischen Sprachgeschichte am Beispiel der Zenerene.[2] More recently, Jacob Elbaum and Chava Turniansky have reiterated Neuberg’s argument and supported it.[3] The Elbaum/Turniansky article provides a clear summary of Neuberg’s argument. It would be helpful to begin with this summary:

In a meticulously systematic analysis of the language of the Tsene-reneSimon Neuberg has demonstrated that the vocabulary of each of the three sections (Torah, Megillot, haftarot) differs clearly from that of the other two, a phenomenon that becomes particularly prominent in the section khurbn in loshn ashkenaz, which, together with Ruth, differs in its linguistic features most conspicuously from that of the other four Megillot in the Tsene-rene.[4] The conclusions of the linguistic analysis seem to indicate clearly that Rabbi Jacob, the author of the first volume of the Tsene-rene (on the Torah), was not the author of the various components of the second volume of this book (Megillotand Haftarot). The discussion of the questions about the integration of the two volumes into one opus is beyond the framework of this article.[5] It is, however, relevant that an earlier printed Yiddish booklet on the destruction of the Temple has been inserted directly after the Yiddish translation and explanation of Lamentations. The difference between the Tsene-rene’s treatment of Lamentations and that of the other four Megillot leads to the conclusion that whoever included the booklet in the second volume of the Tsene-rene wished to differentiate Lamentations from the other Megillot. Since the khurbnbooklet consisted of midrashim, the preceding rendition of Lamentations required no more than a Yiddish translation and explanation of the text, as has been done in the section of the Haftarot. Indeed, there is a great similarity between the manner of rendition of the haftarot and the methods used in the rendition of Lamentations.[6]

Neuberg bases his conclusions on the basis of his study of the vocabulary of the various sections of the Ze’enah U-Re’enahand the variations that he has found. This mode of philological analysis is ancient, going back to Alexandrian studies of Homer and revived in the study of the Biblical text in the Early Modern and Modern periods. The starting point of this mode of analysis is the concept that a certain text is considered to be a unitary product of one author, whether Homer or Moses, and the scholar endeavors to show that in fact there is more than one hand discernable in the production of the final product. The most famous example of this type of analysis is the “Documentary Hypothesis” relating to the Five Books of Moses. The fatal flaw in Neuberg’s analysis is that he assumes this unitary authorship, that Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac was the author in the way one thinks of someone being the author of a novel or a monograph, the intellectual product of one mind and one style. In fact, the Ze’enah U-Re’enah is a very different sort of work, one composed of passages from a wide variety of texts of different periods and styles that were collected, reworked, paraphrased and abbreviated by Rabbi Jacob to form a bricolage, an anthological commentary based on a diversity of sources.

As an integral part of my English translation of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah[7] I have endeavored to document the sources that Rabbi Jacob utilized and show how he built his commentary.[8] My conclusion is that Rabbi Jacob built his text from the whole panoply of Talmudic, Midrashic, and medieval and early modern Biblical commentaries. He even cites the Torah commentary Keli Yakar (Lublin, 1602) of Rabbi Ephraim Lunshits of Prague, which was most likely published while he was at work on the Ze’enah U-Re’enah.
Rabbi Jacob had no specific model that he followed, but rather was guided by the commentaries that were available for a particular text. To take the most obvious example, the number and type of commentaries available for the Humashis dramatically greater than what is available for the Megillot, which is greater than what is available for the Haftarot. As a result, the Humashcommentary is richer, has greater depth and is more extensive than the other sections. Even within the Humashcommentaries, it is a well-known phenomenon that the quantity of comments on Genesis and Exodus is much greater than those on Leviticus, Numbers and Exodus. This pattern follows through from Midrash and through all post Talmudic commentaries, from the earliest medieval commentaries to those being written in the present. This is also reflected in the allocation of space in the Ze’enah U-Re’enah. For example, the number of pages devoted to Genesis is double the number of pages devoted to Deuteronomy. It is a reflection of the available resources and not a deliberate decision by Rabbi Jacob to privilege one part of the Torah over another.

The differing level of resources is much greater when one goes from the Torah to the Prophets and Writings. In the Jewish tradition in contrast to the Christian tradition, the Torah (Humash) has been the center of study and interest, while the rest of the Bible plays a secondary role. This is particularly true in the Ashkenazi tradition and is evidenced by the paucity of commentaries on the Prophets and Writings. The great exception is Rashi, whose commentary encompasses the whole Bible and much of the Talmud. Thus, we find that Rabbi Jacob has more than a dozen commentaries that he regularly quotes and cites, not to mention the whole of Midrashic literature that is largely focused on the Humashand in the case of Midrash Rabbah, also includes the Megillot. The Talmud is also a rich source of comments and stories that are interspersed in the Torah commentary. In contrast, when one comes to the Haftarot, the only commentaries that he relies on regularly are Rashi and Rabbi David Kimchi.[9] Rabbi Jacob tries to leaven the commentary on the Haftarotby adding to the end of most of the Haftarot, a group of three stories taken from the medieval anthology, Yalkut Shimoni. It is noteworthy that this group of stories is quoted in the same sequence that they are found in the Yalkut Shimoni.

Rabbi Jacob does not have a fixed form or pattern in his commentary. Each verse or part of a verse is approached on its own merits. He appears to have examined the universe of comments on that passage and then he chooses those things that appeal to him. The range can be anything from one sentence to several paragraphs, from one commentator to a medley of several comments that expand on each other or they might offer conflicting perspectives. Sometimes he ends a commentary with the phrase, “from here we can learn”, which is a sign that he is adding his own insights. In addition to the commentaries, or occasionally in place of a commentary, he might cite a Talmudic or midrashic passage. Not only do his sources vary widely, but his mode of citation also varies. Sometimes he translates the Hebrew original, more or less precisely. Other times, he might paraphrase a text or summarize an argument from a source. It is also worth noting that he does not comment on every verse. This too follows the pattern of the commentaries that he relies upon, in that they also do not feel the need to comment on every verse. The same applies to the Megillotand Haftarot, with the proviso that the universe of sources is smaller and therefore the variations in form and style will not be as dramatic.

In summary, any literary analysis of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah must take into account the nature of the sources that underlie the text, how the author utilizes the sources and the methods of composition. Without a thorough knowledge of rabbinic literature in the broadest sense and the ability to deal with these texts, both in the Hebrew/Aramaic original languages and a solid ability to understand the Yiddish text of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah, it would be impossible to make any judgments about this work that have merit and should be taken seriously.

Another argument raised by Neuberg is the fact that the Basel/Hanau, 1622 edition of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah was published in two volumes, with the Torah in one volume and Megillotand Haftarotin the second volume. He ascribes great significance to this fact but does not provide any evidence to support his argument that there is significance to this fact beyond the things that have already been discussed. Since this was the first extant edition, we cannot learn anything from the three preceding editions that have not survived. We can only look at subsequent editions and see if this pattern is repeated. The next edition of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah was published in Amsterdam, 1648. Rabbi Jacob’s son wrote in the Introduction of his edition of his father’s small book Sefer Shoresh Yaakov that he was publishing this book to raise funds to enable the publication of a new edition of his father’s Ze’enah U-Re’enah.[10] The Amsterdam edition retained the same format as the 1622 edition. That is, the Torah came first, followed by the Megillot, and ending with the Haftarot. The one important change was that the work was published in one volume and in a folio format. The first edition to break this pattern was the Amsterdam, 1711 edition, which placed the Haftarotfor the Torah portions immediately behind the respective Torah portion, in the same way that one would find it in a printed Hebrew Humash. This was probably the reason for the change and nothing more significant. All subsequent editions followed the model of the 1711 edition. In addition, all editions of the Ze’enah U-Re’enah beginning with the Amsterdam, 1648 were published in one volume.[11] The Basel/Hanau, 1622 edition is the only one that was published in two volumes. It is most likely that the two volumes had simple internal reasons related to practical aspects of the printing process. Without additional evidence it would be inappropriate to make assumptions about this fact.

2. The authorship of Hurban ha-Bayit.

Immediately after the commentary on Lamentations in the Ze’enah U-Re’enahthere is a separate section entitled, “Hurbanha-Bayit[Destruction of the Temple].” An examination of this section shows that it is a Yiddish translation/paraphrase of a famous passage from the Talmud about the causes of the destruction of the Second Temple, found in tractate B. Gittin55b-58a. After the passage from Gittinuntil the end of this text there is a combination of passages taken from Yalkut Shimoni, Lamentations, Remez995 and 996, and selections from LamentationsRabbah, Petihtah24.

In 1979, Sara Zfatman published an article about a pamphlet by an anonymous author that was published in Cracow, before 1595.[12] The text of this pamphlet is identical to the “Hurbanha-Bayit[Destruction of the Temple]” material in the Ze’enah U-Re’enah.[13] Two pamphlets containing this material were reprinted in the nineteenth and twentieth century[14] and it was even translated into German.[15] It is likely that they were extracts from the Ze’enah U-Re’enah, and not from the Cracow pamphlet.

The question that concerns us is the authorship of this pamphlet and the section in the Ze’enah U-Re’enah. The similarity of both versions of the text is strong evidence that one person is the author of both. The title page of the second volume of the Basel/Hanau, 1622 begins with the following statement. “The five Megillotand the Haftarot. In addition, the destruction of Jerusalem in Yiddish which was weighed and researched by the noble and pious Rabbi Jacob, the son of Rabbi Isaac, of blessed memory.” Having argued that there is one author of the whole Ze’enah U-Re’enah, Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac, it naturally follows Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac is also the author of this pamphlet and the text in the Ze’enah U-Re’enah.

It is not hard to understand why Rabbi Jacob might have felt the need to create a supplement for Lamentations, where there is no similar need or the other Megillot. Tisha B’Avwhen Lamentations is read in the synagogue became the date to commemorate and mourn a variety of destruction and catastrophes in Jewish history. The text of Lamentations is so specific to the situation of the First Temple that over the centuries a whole literature developed to supplement the Book of Lamentations and better express the emotions engendered by later events being commemorated and mourned. I would suggest that Rabbi Jacob first wrote this pamphlet as an additional text for Tisha B’Av observances and later incorporated it into the Ze’enah U-Re’enah. The sparse nature of his commentary on Lamentations points to this. There is virtually no effort to add commentary. Aside from a few references to Rashi, the commentary on Lamentations is no more than translations or paraphrases of the Biblical text.

[1]Melitz Yosher (Lublin, 1622; Amsterdam, 1688); Sefer ha-Magid (Lublin, 1623-1627); SeferShoresh Ya’akov (Cracow, 1640). The relationship of Rabbi Jacob ben Isaac to Sefer ha-Magid is complicated. See, R. Hayyim Lieberman, “Concerning the Sefer ha-Magid and its Author [Yiddish].” In idem. Ohel RH”L. 3 vols. (n.p.: Brooklyn, 1984), 2: 231-248. A Hebrew version of the article is found in idem. 3: 365-382. The article was originally published in Yidishe Shprakh, vol. 26 (1966): 33-38.
[2]Neuberg, Simon. Pragmatische Aspekte der jiddischen Sprachgeschichte am Beispiel der Zenerene. Buske: Hamburg, 1999, 109-115.
[3]Elbaum, Jacob. and Turniansky, Chava. “The Destruction of the Temple: A Yiddish Booklet for the Ninth of Av.” In Midrash Unbound, Transformations and Innovations. Ed. Michael Fishbane and Joanna Weinberg. Oxford: Littman Library, 2013, 424-427.
[4] See Neuberg, Pragmatische Aspekte, 109-115.
[5] At this point there is a lengthy footnote about the significance of the title pages of the two volumes and the fact that there are two volumes. I will address the issues raised here in my response.
[6] Elbaum and Turniansky, “The Destruction of the Temple,” 425.
[7] Faierstein, Morris M. Ed. Ze’enah U-Re’enah: A Critical Translation into English. 2 Vols. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017 (Studia Judaica, 96).
[8] The Index of Sources in my translation is a vivid example of the wide variety of sources found in the Ze’enah U-Re’enah.
[9Rabbi David Kimchi was a member of the medieval Spanish school of Biblical commentary that emphasized grammar and logic rather than the more midrashic and mystical approach of many of the Ashkenazi commentaries. It is noteworthy that neither Kimchi nor the other great Spanish commentator Rabbi Abraham Ibn Ezra are mentioned in the Torah commentary. It is only in the Prophets where Kimchi is consulted, because the number of commentaries is limited.
[10] Sefer Shoresh Yaakov, Cracow, 1640, Introduction.
[11] A complete bibliography of Ze’enah U-Re’enah editions can be found in Morris M. Faierstein, The Ze’enah U-Re’enah: A Preliminary Bibliography”, Revue des etudes juives, 172, 3-4 (2013), 397-427.
[12] On this pamphlet and its history see, Sara Zfatman, “The Destruction of the Temple, Cracow, before 1595 – An Additional Yiddish Text from the Sixteenth Century [Hebrew],” Kiryat Sefer 54 (1979): 201-202.
[13] Zfatman, “The Destruction of the Temple,” 201 n. 5.
[14] The nineteenth century edition was published in Johnnisburg (Prussia), 1862. See, Faierstein, The Ze’enah U-Re’enah: A Preliminary Bibliography,” 411 no. 121. The twentieth century edition was Brooklyn, 2007. See, idem. 422, no. 240.
[15] The German translation is, Die Zerstörung Jerusalems: aus dem Buche Zeena u’reena. Deutsch von Alexander Eliasberg (Berlin: F. Gurlitt, 1921). See, Faierstein, “The Ze’enah U-Re’enah: A Preliminary Bibliography,” 424 no. 264.

Book Announcement

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Book Announcement
By Eliezer Brodt
ספרות חז"ל הארץ-ישראלית, מבואות ומחקרים, המערכת מנחם כהנא, ורד נעם, מנחם קיסטר, דוד רוזנטל,ב'חלקים, 732 עמודים.


































I am very happy to announce the publication of an important work which numerous people will find very useful. This is a collection of essays from various experts in the field of Chazal's Eretz Yisrael Literature. If one wants a proper introduction to various works of Chazal from the Mishna and on, this is the place to look. Up until now there were numerous articles and books on all these topics, including the two volumes set Literature of the Sages. Many of the topics covered in these two new volumes can be found in Literature of the Sages, some times even by the same authors; e.g. Vered Noam on Megilat Tannit or Chaim Milikowsky on Seder Olam. However, many of the chapters are new or are written by different people. One hopes that they will continue this series with a volume dealing with the Talmud Bavli.

Here is a table of contents of the work:





For a short time copies can be purchased through me for a special price. Contact me at Eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

New book announcement

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New book announcement
By Eliezer Brodt
יצחק לנדיס, ברכת העבודה בתפילת העמידה, עיונים בנוסחיה ובתולדותיה, 170 עמודים

This recent work written by Yitz Landes, of the Talmud Blog looks rather impressive and I am sure will be enjoyed by many readers of the blog.

What follows is the abstract of the book and the Table of Contents.

If you are interested in purchasing the book contact me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

The present work traces the history of the ante-penultimate blessing of the Amidah, “Birkat ha-Avodah”, from Second Temple times through the Middle Ages. The first chapter deals with the rabbinic sources that describe its recitation in the Temple and compares versions of the blessing found in siddurim with prayers found in literature from the period of the Second Temple. The second chapter is devoted to the early evidence of the blessing’s formulation located in the 4thcentury church order, The Apostolic Constitutions. In the third chapter, all of the various versions of the blessing located in siddurim and in medieval halakhic literature are analyzed.  In the fourth chapter, he utilizes a variety of sources, including a large corpus of classical Piyyut, to reconstruct a lost version of the blessing’s doxology. The fifth chapter unpacks the language of cultic worship utilized in the various versions of the blessing and compares it with the understandings of the blessing’s meaning found in classical Piyyutand in medieval sources. In the summary, he provides a new model for understanding the development of the version of the blessing that was eventually adopted and address the ramifications of this study for our understandings of the development of Jewish liturgy and of the substitution of sacrifice in Jewish thought.





Genazym Auctions: Illustrations & the Friendship Between the Hazon Ish and R. Zevin

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Genazym Auction:  Illustrations and the Friendship between the Hazon Ish and R. Zevin


The auction house, Genazym, is holding its third auction (the catalog is available here) this week Thursday, August 30thThis auction includes many Hassidic works, letters, autographs, early editions, and some impressive bindings.  Additionally, as at other auction houses, items are already appearing from the Lunzer/Valmadonna collection whose books were sold and auctioned in the past year. 

There are a few items that have aspects that go beyond their texts.  The book, Hok le-Yisrael, Prague, 1798, (lot 27) is notable for its unusual title page.  It contains Dovid and Shlomo (for a discussion of the inclusion of biblical figures on the title-page see here), with the head of Goliath at David’s feet.  David is shown lifting his shirt to expose his belly which is depicted as one of substantial girth.  It is unclear why the illustrator used that particular pose. The remainder of the illustration is unremarkable.  But the text of the title has its own quirk, where it is printed in a handwritten font, both the Hebrew and the German.   



Just to mention one other unique illustrated item I recently came across about to be auctioned off in the forthcoming Genazym auction (lot 26). In a few copies of the 1840 printing of the classic work on Shecitah, Tevous Shor there is a very nice illustration connected to the title and name of the author. 

Some books are especially valued because of their legendary segulah powers.  Recently this has become even more commonplace with this genre expanding exponentially.[1]  At times the source for how these books fall into that genre are murky, but one that has a long history is Hayim ben Attar’s Or ha-Hayim.  The first edition, Venice 1742, (lot 49), in a very nice binding,  is highlighted for its segulah powers that include protection, healing, and children, and the study of it has the power to purify one’s soul. 

Returning to illustrations, a portrait of R. Dov Ber Meisles, the rabbi of Warsaw (and other cities), from 1891, is among the items.  This is not the only illustration that R Meisels appears.  During the late 1860s, there was substantial unrest in Poland when many sought to force the Tsar to bestow greater civil rights to the populace.  The clergy played a large role in this endeavor and R Meisels was among them.  This was viewed as an opportunity for Jews to be accepted by the population.  In this, Meisels had a profound impact and was among the main influencers of Marcus Jastrow to take part in the movement.  Meisels and Jastrow became very close.  When both were imprisoned for their activities, initially Jastrow was kept in isolation but when he was transferred to Meisels’ cell, Jastrow’s spirits were lifted and was able to deal with the remainder of his imprisonment.  In the end, both were expelled from Poland, although eventually permitted to return.  One of the most notable events during this period was the funeral of five protesters who were killed by government forces.  The funeral took place on Shabbos and both Jastrow and Meisles were in attendance.  Their participation is recorded in Aleksander Lesser’s painting, “Funeral of five victims of the demonstration in Warsaw in 1861.”In the center left, Meisels appears with a fur hat next to Jastrow in his canonicals.[2]  

 Another item of ephemera is a letter from the Hazon Ish R. Yosef Zevin (lot 68).  Although there is no doubt about R Zevin’s Zionist leanings, the Hazon Ish carried on a correspondence with him.[3] R Zevin included a profile of Hazon Ish in the book Ishim ve-Shitot This is yet anoother letter showing the connection between R Zevin and the Hazon Ish. (See Yehoshuah Levin, HaShakdan (Monsey: Tuvia's, 2010), 117).

As we have shown in the past, one can learn all kinds of things from the information found in the writeups in the various auction catalogs including seeing actual clear copies of the manuscripts (lot 55). there is a letter of his from 1886 about his essay on Antisemitism called Shar Yisroel which he was about to print. He writes to his son to check it over as someone told him that perhaps some might get angry about and it would cause problems for him and the Yeshiva. This is not the only time that we find the Netziv nervous about his actions and that it would cause possible problems for the Yeshiva.

Two of R Yaakov Emden’s important works, Mitpahat Seforim and his Siddur, both of which are rare are up for sale (lots 75 & 76).  The first of edition of his siddur is critical to actually determining R. Emden’s opinions regarding the liturgy and its attendant customs.  This is so because although there are many alleged reprints of the Siddur, they, in fact, do not include the text that R Emden so carefully edited.  Only recently has the complete siddur been reprinted.  The Mitpahahat is R Emden’s well-known challenge to the Zohar, or parts of it.  Emden points to many passages that appear to be later than when R Shimon bar Yochi lived, the traditional author of the Zohar. R. Emden’s work was subject to some rebuttals, one is Moshe Kunitz Ben Yochi.  But some allege that Kunits freely borrowed from others and that his rebuttals fall short of the mark. 
One final item, also a siddur, is a first edition of Siddur R’ Shabsai MeiRushkov (lot 95) which is considered very rare starting bid is $50,000 and with a sale's estimate of  $100,000.







[1]See Avraham Ya’ari, Mehkeri Sefer (Jerusalem:  Yehuda, 1958) who discussed a number of books that were written after the author experienced cataclysimic events. See also Eliezer Brodt’s article in the forthcoming Ami Magazine discussing the ubiquity of this phenomenon. 
[2] See Jastrow, “Baer Meisels, Chief Rabbi,” The Maccabean XI, 5 (Nov. 1906), 208-09; idem. XI, 6 (Dec. 1906), 246-48. For Jastrow’s activities during that time see Michael Galas, Rabbi Marcus Jastrow and His Vision for the Reform of Judaism:  A Study in the History of Judaism in the Nineteenth Century, trans. Anna Tilles (Boston:  Academic Studies Press, 2013), 70-88. Even at the end of his life, Jastrow was in America he still counted Meisel among those who influenced him.  See idem. 170.

[3] That is not to say that some didn’t try to write out R Zevin’s connection to Zionism.  See Jacob J. Schacter, “Facing the Truths of History,” Torah u-Madda Journal 8 (1998-1999): 223-24. 

A Conversation With Professor Marcin Wodziński on Hasidism

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A Conversation With Professor Marcin Wodziński on Hasidism

By Rabbi Yitzchok Frankfurter
This article appeared in Ami Magazine July 11, 2018/ 28 Tamuz 5778 and is reprinted here with permission.
This is not my first conversation with the Polish scholar Marcin Wodzinski. In 2013, following the release of his book on chasidism and politics, he visited my office together with the well-known askan Reb Duvid Singer. Today as then, my conversation with him elicits paradoxical emotions. His knowledge of chasidism, particularly its roots and subsequent development, is shockingly broad. In fact, many chasidim turn to him for information about their origins, and Professor Wodzinski’s research has saved for posterity much of that history.

Of course, the mere fact that chasidism, a vibrant Jewish movement that once thrived in Eastern Europe and Russia, has been reduced to a scholarly discipline for a Polish academician is saddening. Poland was once the center of chasidic and Jewish life in general, but it now has very few Jews living there. And it goes without saying that Poland is devoid of any vibrant Jewish culture.

“That loss,” he tells me, “is very acutely felt in Poland on many levels. One significant expression of this is the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw. I was its head historian for some time, as well as the chief designer of the gallery that depicts the 19th century. Three years after its opening, it is now the most successful museum in Poland.”

Unfortunately, it hurts to hear that, because that is precisely what Hitler was trying to accomplish. The Nazis wanted to reduce Jews and Judaism to relics and artifacts found only in a museum, and I tell the sympathetic professor as much.

“That’s true, but I would say that Poland as a country can’t do anything about it because there are so few Jews living there. But in terms of recognizing the tragedy and the loss and as an expression of pain, this museum is extremely important. And there are many other examples of how the non-Jewish community is trying to integrate an understanding of Jewish culture into what it means to be Polish today. There are at least four centers of academic Jewish studies in the country, which is the same number that exists in Israel. Each center has many scholars who are doing valuable research and earning PhDs in the subject. These schools attract people who want to study Jewish history and culture. Many of them write important articles and books that are read by a lot of Poles.

“The Jews are not an extinct race,” he says with fervor, “and this notion among Poles is even stronger today than it was 50 and 100 years ago, when Polish culture was very antagonistic towards Jews and sought to exclude them. Today, an increasing number of people realize that you can’t understand Poland without understanding the Jews.”

Field of Study

Marcin hails from a town in Poland that is 50 kilometers away from Breslau, or Wrocław as it is known in Polish, which before the Holocaust was the epicenter of the haskalah, rather than chasidism. Yet ironically, it was the chasidic movement that drew his interest.

“Of course. There weren’t any chasidim here. The city of Wrocław is best-known for the Beit Midrash l’Rabbanim, which was part of the so-called Conservative movement. Abraham Geiger, who one of the leaders of the Reform movement, was also quite active in Wrocław for over two decades. And the Jewish historian Heinrich Groetz spent his entire academic Marcin Wodzinski accompanying chasidim at a kever. Seen in the background is Reb Duvid Singer. life at its university,” he tells me when I confide in him that given his place of birth and alma mater (he also attended the University of Wrocław), I find his interest in chasidism rather peculiar. “But there were also some important chasidic books that were published in Wrocław, such as the first edition of Kol Simchah, which is the collected teachings of Rav Simchah Bunim of Peshischa.”

“So you’re a goy,” I tease him, “born in the birthplace of the maskilim, but chasidism became your field of interest.”

“That’s right!” he replies good-naturedly. “I’m trying to bridge ideas and interests. My interest in Jewish history and culture began with Jewish cemeteries, which was very typical at the time because it was the most visible presence of both the Jewish presence and absence in Poland in the 1980s. I learned Hebrew so I could write down the inscriptions, and I was fascinated by seeing the rebirth of chasidic pilgrimages to the gravesites of tzaddikim in Lizhensk, Peshischa, Lublin and other places. Then I started researching chasidic life, which is what I’ve been involved in for the past three decades.

“Two weeks ago I published a book called An Historical Atlas of Hasidism, which is going to be very important for chasidic studies. It contains 280 pages of full-color maps and images from the inception of chasidism until today. The maps present an entirely new way of understanding the movement, and there are a lot of previously unknown historical images. The book was published by the prestigious Princeton University Press.

“I also recently published a book entitled Hasidism: Key Questions. That one was printed by Oxford University Press. That is the volume of which I am the most proud, as it summarizes my entire investigation into chasidism. It has seven chapters, each of which addresses a different central question: the definition of chasidus, women in chasidism, chasidic leadership and the role of a tzaddik, the demographics of chasidim historically and today, the geography of where they lived, the economics of chasidic life, and finally, the end of chasidus in Eastern Europe and how it moved to the United States and Israel. I put forth the argument that this shift was not only because of World War II but actually started during the First World War. The book has around 350 pages.”

“What do you think you’ve added to the understanding of chasidus?” I ask.

“There are several things that are unique about my work. First of all, I am equally interested in the lives of the rank-and-file chasidim as I am in the lives of the tzaddikim. To me, a tzaddik isn’t a leader if he doesn’t have followers. That is why I believe that much of the research so far has been misguided by omitting the tzaddik’s thousands of followers from the picture. I think it’s critically important to understand not only the teachings of the great chasidic minds but also—and perhaps more so—to understand how they reached the simple folk and affected their lives. Another innovation in my work is that I don’t just delve into intellectual topics. I also look at the social, economic and other aspects of history, which are aspects that have only been properly addressed by very few scholars. This results in an entirely different perspective.

“But perhaps most importantly, the vast majority of scholarship on chasidism has focused on its early years. We know quite a lot about the Baal Shem Tov and Rav Dovber of Mezritch, and we know some things about their disciples, but we know very little about chasidism in the 19th and early-20th centuries before the Holocaust. We know about some leaders, but very little about the lives of the chasidic communities. Both of these two recent books expand the scope of interest. I call the 19th century the ‘golden age’ of chasidism, because that’s when the number of people who considered themselves chasidim reached its peak. There were many regions of central Poland, Galicia and Volhynia [the region where Ukraine, Poland and Belarus meet] where chasidim constituted the majority of Jews, and it’s critically important to understand what their lives were like then.”

“How much of the actual Torah of the tzaddikim do you study? Is it something you consider necessary for your research, or do you completely ignore it?”

“Obviously, there are many people who are bigger experts on that than I am. I’m not even an am haaretz; I’m a goy!” he says unapologetically, “so it’s not really something for me to study.”

“So you don’t think it’s important or that you’re missing something in your research?”

“It’s obviously important, and that’s why many people study it. But I can’t do everything. I do need to understand the chasidic concepts, but I don’t study them myself; I read what other scholars have written. That’s the best I can do. I can’t be a specialist on everything. What I’m trying to do is to show that beyond Torah, there is a huge area of chasidic life that hasn’t been properly looked into, such as the relative power of individual groups. These are things that everyone would love to know. It also gives you an understanding of the spiritual leadership of various tzaddikim, because if one tzaddik has 100,000 followers, his relationship with his followers is very different from that of a tzaddik with 50 followers.

“We can also see how far the shtieblach were located from the court. For Chabad, the average distance between the court and the shtiebel was 400 kilometers, which means that the vast majority of chasidim only visited the Rebbe once or twice in their lives. For Vizhnitz, which was very strong in Hungary, the average distance was less than 100 kilometers, which means that most of the chasidim came to see the Rebbe several times a year because it was relatively easy to get there. This means that the relationship of the typical Vizhnitzer chasid and his Rebbe was very different from that of the typical Lubavitcher chasid and his Rebbe.

“Then there were courts that were even closer to their shtieblach. For example, Kretchnif’s average distance was 30 kilometers, which means that they could go to their Rebbe every Shabbos and he knew his chasidim personally. The Gerrer Rebbe had 100,000 chasidim, which means that he didn’t know all of them by face and name, with the result that the spiritual inspiration they received was different from that received by chasidim of a smaller chasidus. So while this kind of information isn’t part of the teachings of any particular group, it’s still very important to understand.

“It’s hard to summarize everything I believe I bring to the field. But as I said, I try to capture the totality of chasidic life, not just its spiritual aspects but also its economic, social and cultural ones.”

“Has your work brought you emotionally closer to the Jewish community, or is it just a field of research to you?”

“Whenever anyone chooses a field of research he feels some sort of connection. The most difficult thing for anyone to do is to decipher himself.”

“You speak Hebrew and English fluently, but in which language do you write?”

“Lately, I’ve been writing more and more in English instead of Polish because my books are addressed primarily to international audiences. But I still write articles in Polish, so I’m pretty much bilingual in my academic life.”

“Is the objective of your research to understand Poland or to understand Jews?” I ask next.

“I might be exceptional in some sense because I focus on Jewish history; I don’t research so-called Polish-Jewish relations. I’m interested in chasidism, the haskalah and Jewish cemeteries and that’s it. But I would say that the majority of scholars in Poland who are interested in Jews study the relationship between Poles and Jews.”

“As a non-Jew, are you welcomed by Jewish researchers of chasidism, or do you feel like an outsider?”

“There isn’t any bias against non-Jewish scholars in academia, or at least I’ve never experienced it. As a whole, the scholars studying chasidism are extremely openminded people. I’m very happy to be part of this community and I feel very welcome and supported both intellectually and emotionally. The research I do is very broad, so I often have to rely on support from other people, which is always forthcoming.

“I would also say that over time I have established increasingly good relations with the chasidic community and with many individual chasidim who seem to appreciate my research. A big part of the atlas in my book maps out contemporary chasidism. In order to do it I had to ask a critical question—how many chasidim are there today?—because without the answer it’s impossible to continue any further. Are the numbers bigger or smaller than before the war? Where do they live? Which is the biggest chasidic court today? Celebrating at a Belz wedding To obtain the answer, I decided to turn to the chasidic phone directories and counted the number of households. Based on the 42 directories I received I arrived at a total of 130,000, which I believe covers almost all of the chasidic households in existence today. This allowed me to estimate the demographic and geographic distribution of chasidim and many other issues, and it was only possible thanks to the goodwill of the chasidic communities that appreciated my research and shared their directories with me. I am extremely pleased to have gotten support not only from my fellow scholars but also from chasidic people.”

“Which is the largest chasidus today?”

“You know the answer to that: Satmar, with 26,000 households split between the two groups.”

 “Which is second?”

“Chabad, with 16,000, followed by Ger, with 12,000. Belz has 7,500 households. The most difficult to calculate is Breslov because they use different categories for inclusion, but I estimate them at 7,000. Sanz has 4,000; Bobov has 3,000; and another 1,500 for Bobov-45. I am very proud to have done this research.”

Bustling Centers of Chasidic Life

“Where was the center of chasidic activity in the 19th century, Poland or Ukraine?”

“That’s a very good question. I have a set of maps in my atlas depicting where the tzaddikim lived and how this changed over time. I also have a map showing 70% of all the existing chasidic shtieblach at the beginning of the 20th century. This was an enormous undertaking. I managed to locate 2,854 shtieblach, which, as I said, represents some 70% of the total during that time period. It is very clear that the cradle of chasidism was Podolia and Volhynia, which are Ukrainian territories. At the end of the 18th century it moved north to Belarus and west to Galicia. In the 19th century, the epicenter was Galicia and the southern part of central Poland. Then it moved south again into Hungary and Romania.”

“Where does Czechoslovakia, where my own parents hail from, come into play?”

“Slovakia is part of Greater Hungary, because up until 1918 it was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, so when I say ‘Hungary’ I am including Slovakia. By contrast, the area that is now the Czech Republic isn’t significant to us because there were very few chasidim there if at all. In fact, only the eastern part of Slovakia, which later became TransCarpathian Ruthenia and was incorporated into Hungary, Romania and now Ukraine, is relevant to this topic, but it was never a center of chasidic life. As for the Hungarian territories, it was mostly Maramures and Transylvania that were heavily chasidic.”

“According to your calculations, would you say that the majority of the Jews at that time were religious, and a majority of the religious Jews were chasidim?”

“Up until the interwar period in the 1920s and ’30s, the majority of the population was religious, although not all were chasidim; it depended on the area. In Lithuania the majority were Litvish—either misnagdim or ambivalent towards chasidim—while only a minority were chasidim. But in Galicia, especially Eastern and Central Galicia, the majority were chasidim. Many communities were dominated by chasidim. Poland was also divided: Eastern Poland was mostly chasidic, but in Western Poland the numbers were much smaller.

“In general, the vast majority of Eastern European Jews in the 19th century were Orthodox, but this changed radically in the interwar period. In the Soviet Union, the number of religious people dropped dramatically because of the Communists’ anti-religious stance, and the chasidim were heavily persecuted and their leaders sent to Siberia. For example, the Machnovka Rebbe was only allowed to leave his exile in the 1960s. In Poland there wasn’t any religious persecution between the wars, but because of the trend towards modernization and the influence of secularism and politics, the number of people who were still religious dropped to one-third of the Jewish population. Of those who were religious, I’d say that the majority were chasidim. This loss was acutely felt by the chasidic community.

“If you look at the activities of the Piaseczno, Aleksander Rebbe and Gerrer Rebbes, much of their activity was inspired by the crisis of many members of the younger generation leaving the community and becoming communists or Zionists. They understood that they had to reinvent the structure of the traditional chasidic community, particularly during the First World War and immediately afterwards.”

“They say that history is written by the victors. There were many large chasidic courts before the Holocaust but they are no longer remembered, and other chasidic groups are far more dominant now. This makes people believe that they were dominant before the war as well, but it’s not necessarily true.”

“My atlas corrects this misconception. As I told you, I found 2,854 shtieblach in the early part of the last century. By comparing the number of shtieblach of different courts, I was able to establish their relative power, and the numbers are very precise. In Central Poland, 22% of shtieblach were Ger; 13% were Aleksander; 6% were Kotzk and its offspring, followed by Amshinov, Otvotzk (Vorka), and other smaller groups. Perhaps the biggest one that’s completely unknown today is Olik, which may have been the third largest in Volhynia during the interwar period.

“Which was the biggest in Ukraine?”

“Between the wars, the biggest court in Ukraine was Trisk, with 16%. The second largest was Sadigura, which was really in Bukovina, outside Ukraine, with 8%. The third was Olik, followed by Karlin-Stolin, Makarov, Tolne, Chernobyl, Stepan, Lubavitch, Skver, Brzezan, Hornosteipel and others.”

“Where was Lubavitch the most dominant?”

“Lubavitch was the dominant group in Lithuania and Belarus, where they had 32% of all the shtieblach. Every third shtiebel was Lubavitch, and there were other shtieblach belonging to other Chabad courts. Four percent belonged to Kapust; 3% to Liadi, and 3% to Strashelye. If you count all of them together, almost half of the shtieblach were Chabad. The next largest one in Belarus and Lithuania was Karlin-Stolin with 10%, followed by Slonim, Kobrin, Koidanov and several others.”

“Do you see a common denominator between all of these groups despite their differences?”

“Yes, and one of them is their common origin. The understanding that they all come from the Baal Shem Tov informs every single chasidic community. It also affects the relationships between groups, because it is much easier to move from one chasidic group to another than it is to move from chasidism to non-chasidism or vice versa. There are also elements that are shared by every group. The role of the tzaddik is one such element. Even to the groups like the ‘toite chasidim,’ as the Breslovers were once called since they don’t have a live Rebbe, there is still an understanding of the Rebbe as an essential spiritual experience for every chasid.

“Perhaps this is something that distinguishes me from many other scholars of chasidism. Whereas most of them concentrate on the theology and books, my approach is more in line with the statement of Rav Zusha of Anipoli. When he was in the court of Rav Dovber of Mezritch, he said that he learned more Torah from the way his Rebbe tied his shoelaces than he would ever learn from his lectures. To me, the interaction with the Rebbe is what defines the life of the community. My research brings this aspect to light, whereas other scholars tend to overlook it.”

Economic Life and Political Power

“How do you make a distinction in your research between religious Jews and chasidic Jews in terms of their economic, social and cultural lives? They were probably almost the same.”

“That’s true as far as economics is concerned,” he admits. “It’s very difficult to differentiate between chasidim and non-chasidim, and finding sources was extremely difficult. But I managed to locate the complete lists of several communities in Poland and Belarus, and I also came into possession of complete lists of taxpayers and their professions. By comparing the two lists, I could see how chasidim fit into the picture of the general Jewish economic activity.

“There’s a popular stereotype both in the secular world and among chasidic writers that the early chasidim were poor, even in the 19th century. One of the things I wanted to know was whether chasidim on average were richer or poorer than the average nonchasid. I also wanted to know if there was any specific profile for chasidic economic activity. Where did the money they used to sustain their families come from?

“Thanks to the comparison between the lists of chasidim and the lists of other Jews in central Poland and Belarus, I came to the conclusion— which was quite surprising to me—that chasidic communities were on average wealthier than nonchasidic ones. Even more interesting, the chasidim preferred to engage in trade and weren’t so involved in artisanship and crafts. Also, there were very few chasidim who were unskilled workers, although there was a lot overrepresentation when it came to the communal professions such as rabbi, gabbai, shames, mohel and shochet. So when you compare chasidim to other religious groups with similar profiles, you understand why their communal structure was as I described.”

“In what sense?”

“In the sense of emunah and bitachon supporting the economic activity. In the 19th century, the average boy starting an enterprise would get money from his family or in-laws and establish a business. Some of them would succeed, while others would go bankrupt. Many people needed to go bankrupt several times before starting to make money. In the traditional non-chasidic world, a person might start a business once or twice with his family’s support, but if he didn’t succeed he simply went bankrupt.

“Then there was another tier of support in the chasidic world: If a person failed using the money from his family, he could still count on assistance from his community. There is much documentation of chasidic solidarity being very important for internal economic support. If there was a wealthy person in a small chasidic town and he knew that another person had failed at his enterprise, he was willing to help him. This meant that people were given another chance.

“Also, chasidim preferred to be in trade rather than crafts, which usually generates a higher income. Being a chasid actually supported engaging in trade, because a non-chasid’s economic relations extended to his immediate business partners and family, but for a chasid this network was wider since he had to visit the court of the tzaddik several times a year, where he was able to build very strong relationships with people from other towns. This meant that he had access to business partners in a very large geographical region. It was therefore much easier for him to have a successful enterprise because he had a much larger pool of potential partners.

“Another important factor is the role of the tzaddik as arbitrator, not only in spiritual or familial matters but also economically. This is one more level that wasn’t available to a non-chasidic community, and it was enough to put chasidim in a relatively better financial situation.”

“Tell me about the political power chasidim wielded in their various countries of residence in Eastern Europe, which is the subject of the book you released in 2013.”

“It’s very interesting to see that some of the tzaddikim—most prominently Rav Yitzchak of Vurka and later the Chidushei HaRim—functioned as shtadlanim, representatives of the Jewish community to the non-Jewish authorities. It is also very instructive to see that behind their activity there were what I would call legal advisers, people who were very knowledgeable and skillful in navigating the law of the country. These were generally big entrepreneurs who had major financial influence and dealt with the authorities on a day-to-day basis. Those people weren’t visible, however; they lent their expertise to the tzaddik, who was the face of the political power. But it was really a wider enterprise undertaken by the entire community and not just the tzaddikim themselves.”

“Who do you think was the most politically astute and active among the Rebbes?

“In the 19th century, it is clear to me that the biggest innovation in the understanding of politics among tzaddikim came from Rav Yitzchak of Vurka. Around the same time the Tzemach Tzedek, Rav Menachem Mendel Schneersohn, was also very influential in political matters in Russia. You can see the structure of support from very wealthy Jews in St. Petersburg and Moscow, who brought their expertise into the service of the chasidic community. Those two should be listed as the most skillful political leaders of that period. In a sense they established the path for other segments of the Orthodox Jewish community. In the next century you have the founders of Agudat Yisrael in Poland, but that was a very different concept because by then it was mostly electoral politics predicated on parties.”

“Was the political power held only by the Rebbes or the chasidim as well?”

“I would say that any political activity required a very developed cooperation of many levels of political involvement. The tzaddik would never act alone, and it is obvious that without support he wouldn’t have been able to accomplish what he did. At the same time, without him others would be unable to have power. They were entirely interdependent, so it’s impossible to say which was the more important. The beauty is that they managed to invent new ways of being politically active, because traditional Jewish politics had been based on shtadlanim.

“The way it worked up until then was that the Jewish community would hire a political activist who would go to the Polish court or nobleman and try to obtain certain political privileges. This changed in the late-18th century because there was no longer a Polish court, so the entire legal system changed. Under the new system, the Jewish community was deprived of political power, not because of antiSemitism—which of course existed—but because the authorities claimed that the Jews weren’t a community but only individual citizens. Every citizen could represent his own interests, but no one could speak in the name of a group. Jews were permitted to organize for religious purposes, but they were forbidden to organize politically. This meant having to reinvent how to represent themselves to the government, but somehow the tzaddikim managed to present themselves as the representatives of the entire Jewish population.”

“What’s fascinating is that all of this developed in antiSemitic environments. Would you agree with that statement?”

“The political elite were certainly more or less antiSemitic, but they were trying to present themselves as neutral. Those who were skillful used this supposed ambivalence to their advantage. Rav Yitzchak of Vurka, for example, was as successful as he was because he was able to neutralize the anti-Semitic bias of many politicians. He forced them to act against their will by citing legal precedents in support of his arguments that they couldn’t reject. One such case involved the right of rabbanim to control the kashrut of meat in Poland. Absurdly, the right to sell kosher meat and levy the special tax on it had been given over to a Christian enterprise, which was obviously a major problem. Rav Yitzchak of Vurka managed to present this as destructive to the state budget and contrary to its revenue laws. By using this argument, he managed to help the Jewish community regain control. The political bias and anti-Semitism of many of the politicians was rendered ineffective, because they had to follow the legal procedures established by the law of the land. One of the most important factors in the politics of the 19th century was that even the most oppressive countries were trying to establish themselves as places that operated under the rule of law.”

“Tell me about the Tzemach Tzedek’s successes. What was his style of political activity?”

“He was active in Russia in a different context. When he passed away in 1866 there was a visible break in the political representation in Russia, mainly because his succession was unclear; his sons established other courts in other towns, and his youngest son, Rav Shmuel, remained in Lubavitch. This was only slowly regained by his grandson, Rav Shalom Dovber, but his was a time of lesser political success. Concurrently, the Chidushei HaRim established himself as an extremely successful political leader in central Poland. He was succeeded by the Sfas Emes, who was also very successful, as was his son, the Imrei Emes, who was very involved in the creation of Agudat Yisrael. By then the political climate in central Poland was under Russian control, but because it was ethnically different, it maintained a separate legal system that encouraged political activity far more than Russia. So I would say that after 1866 and the passing of the Tzemach Tzedek, there was no longer a real parallel of politics in Russia and Poland.”

“By ‘political activism’ you mean efforts to benefit Jewish life in the places they lived.”

“I am referring to those actions that were undertaken by chasidic leaders with the support of their constituencies to guarantee certain privileges or rights for the Jewish community at large, not just the chasidic community. Aside from the right to have control over the supply of kosher meat, this would include the ability of Jewish prisoners to have kosher food or the right to establish eiruvin in Jewish districts. This was a very important change from the earlier chasidic involvement in politics like that of Rav Meir of Apta, who was mostly active in defending the rights of chasidim to establish their own shtieblach, or to prevent the persecution of the chasidic community.”

“Every Jewish leader really fought for the rights of the Jewish community, so how were the chasidic leaders different in that regard?”

“True, many of their efforts weren’t very different from those of non-chasidic rabbanim, but the whole structure of chasidism empowered its leaders far more than other rabbanim. Let’s say that there was a rabbi of a town—even a very important posek in a big city. Who was behind him? He had only his personal charisma and his community. The Gerrer Rebbe, however, had 50,000 followers all over Poland. This gave him the ability to engineer a campaign to support his political actions in a very broad way. This structure of support that wasn’t confined to specific territories and could cover large areas of Eastern Europe gave additional power to chasidic representation.”

“Did you get the feeling that the growth of a particular court was dependent on the political skills of its leader?”

“That’s something that’s very hard to establish, because no direct testimonies would say such a thing, that this tzaddik was more powerful because he was politically skilled. But if you observe the correlation between political involvement and the number of followers, it’s very significant that those tzaddikim who became more politically involved eventually gained wider followings and vice versa; by having wider followings they were able to be more effective politicians. So these two phenomena were interdependent both ways.

“This is also very true of the interwar period. The tzaddikim who were engaged in the reinvention of chasidism after the First World War, establishing new school systems and other activities of that kind, eventually turned out to be more effective than others. For example, before WWI the Tchortkover and Belzer Rebbes were equally as powerful. But after the war the Tchortkover Rebbe’s power shrank dramatically, and the same holds true of many other Rebbes in central Poland. Another example would be the Gerrer Rebbe, whose political involvement and institution of new infrastructures in the yeshivos and Bais Yankevs [sic] gave him a very strong boost. He had 100,000 followers in the interwar period, which was unparalleled. So a connection exists between politics and the internal relative power of certain Rebbes.”

Concerns and Lessons

The country of Poland is currently going through difficult political times. Last week, the government effectively forced more than two dozen justices out of their jobs. The purged judges refused to recognize their dismissal, while the government officials insisted that they would no longer be allowed to hear cases. Surrounded by cheering supporters, the top Supreme Court justice took a defiant stand on the courthouse steps, and vowed to keep fighting to protect the Polish constitution and the independence of that nation’s courts. The confrontation was followed by dueling news conferences, fiery speeches and more street protests. I ask Marcin if he thinks Poland is moving towards a more dictatorial type of government.

“Poland has been losing its democratic institutions with increasing rapidity over the last three years since the ruling party took power,” he admits. “I can already see a lot of manifestations of an authoritarian state. While the Supreme Court is currently in the news it’s really only the tip of the iceberg, because we see many such things on a daily basis, such as the use of police against the political enemies of the present government, which is typically authoritarian. Then there’s the use of the media as a propaganda tool for the current government. Using public money in support of one political option totally demolishes the constitutional structure. I am very afraid that if the ruling party wins again next year, that will be the last free election in Poland.”

“Do you think that the Jews who live in Poland and the Jewish community at large should be concerned about this?” I want to know. “The ruling party is right-wing, and in Europe right-wing parties are very closely associated with anti-Semitic ideologies, but they are very wary of being labeled antiSemitic. For this reason, the ruling party won’t openly attack the Jewish community in the foreseeable future. But just by looking at the Holocaust law that was passed in January you can see that even without the direct intention of the regime there’s been a rise of anti-Semitic sentiment, which is fueled by the current political climate. This might be a concern in the long run, and is something that has been expressed by many representatives of the Jewish community over the last year.”

“Are you concerned as an academic about the freedom to do your research?”

“Yes. My understanding of the Holocaust law, which was somewhat rescinded, was that the objective wasn’t to persecute people who discussed the involvement of Poles in the killing of Jews during the Holocaust; it was more about creating a general feeling of fear and auto-censorship of what can be said in public these days.”

My final question to the professor is whether he thinks that what his research reveals about chasidic life contains lessons for the world at large.

“That’s a difficult question for me because I’m an academic; my work isn’t so much about finding moral lessons. But it is very clear to me that chasidism holds a huge cultural and spiritual attraction to the world. If you look at its impact on cultural imagery, the image of the traditional Jewish world to many non-Jews is identical to chasidism. This is a huge success, which is due to the spiritual attractiveness of chasidism. But I’m much more interested in analyzing it as a religious phenomenon that shows the interrelationship between religion and other aspects of daily life. I’m not saying that chasidism isn’t a religious movement; of course it is. But being a chasid is something so comprehensive that it affects cultural expressions, economic life and many other areas of activity.

“My research articulates the totality of the experience and helps people understand chasidism as a vibrant movement that isn’t black and white, which is the way it is often portrayed. It has very rich and complicated structures, which have a very big influence not only on the Jewish community but on the larger, non-Jewish societies in which chasidim live. It is also very deeply embedded in geographical location. My Historical Atlas of Hasidism shows how much the spirituality of chasidism is conditioned by the geographical context in which it developed, which is yet another aspect.

“What I would love to achieve with my publications,” he finally allows, “is to promote the understanding that because chasidism is so unique, it allows us to understand much of the world around us, and not just chasidism itself.”

New Book Announcement: Ginzei Chag HaSuccos

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New Book Announcement: Ginzei Chag HaSuccos
By Eliezer Brodt

גנזי חג הסוכות| אסופת גנזים מתורתם של ראשונים בענייני חג הסוכות היוצאים לאור לראשונה מכתבי-יד עם מבואות, ביאורים והערות, עיונים ומפתחות, מהדיר: ר'יעקב ישראל סטל, שע עמודים

A new work by Rabbi Yakov Stahl was just printed. Rabbi Stahl’s work is familiar to many of the readers of the blog; for reviews of some of his earlier works see here, hereand here. This volume is very similar in style to Kovetz Al Yad; it’s a collection of material by Rishonim all related to Succos, the majority of which is printed here for the first time. Various literary genres are represented in this collection: Halacha, Minhag, Piyut, Philosophy and Kabbalah. Each section includes an introduction of its significance and the texts are fully annotated. There is also a twenty-five-page index to the work. What follows is a short description of some of the chapters, and the Table of Contents. Copies should be arriving in the US for sale right away. Additionally, one can purchase copies from me, while supplies last. For more information or for sample pages (and/or for a Listing of his publications) contact me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

החיבור הראשון בקובץ הוא פירוש לפיוטי קדמוננו על ענייני חג הסוכות מאחד מקדמוני צרפת בן דורם של תלמידי רש"י, במהלכו מרחיב המהדיר ארוכות אודות מנהג שרווח באשכנז ובצרפת לאגוד את הלולב כולו עד ראשו. חיבור נוסף עוסק בטעם מצוות לולב ואיגודו לרבי שלמה הצרפתי בן דורו וחברו של רבי יהודה החסיד, במאמר עשיר זה מרחיב המהדיר רבות בענייני איגוד הלולב.

מאמר נוסף מרכז מספר קטעים חשובים מתורת הראשונים, כמו קטע מ'קיצור ספר מרדכי'לאחר מהראשונים על סוכה ולולב. פרק נוסף עוסק בפסקים בענייני סוכות מרבי אברהם ב"ר משה ב"ר דוד ממונייטו הקשור לבעלי התוספות ולרבינו פרץ בעל הסמ"ק, בין דבריו יסודות חשובים בענייני שליחות במצוות ועוד.
פרק נרחב עוסק בחיבור דרשני בשם 'עמק סוכות'מאחד הראשונים שעוסק כולו בהלכות חג הסוכות, דבר נדיר בתקופת הראשונים, אשר נכתב כולו בדרך מחשבה ומוסר ולאורכו מבואר כיצד כל ענייני הימים הנוראים וחג הסוכות בונים את קומת האדם בשלמות עד שהוא מגיע לשלמות האמתית בשמיני עצרת והוא שש ושמח על השלמת הבניין ביום שמחת תורה.

פרק נוסף מציג את טעמי סוכה וארבעת המינים מ'ביאורים על דרך הנסתר'לרבי נתן ב"ר אביגדור מחכמי איטליה הקדומים, במבוא לחיבור זה הורחב מעט במנהגי איטליה ובכינוי 'מורה צדק'שניתן לרמב"ם ע"י קדמונים רבים. בפרק נוסף מופיע לראשונה פיוט 'זולת'הלכתי מרבי יוסף דגף, כנראה מצרפת, במהלך שורותיו ניתן גם ללמוד על כמה חידושי הלכה כמו לימוד הלכות החג בחול המועד, חיוב חתן המחזיר גרושתו בסוכה, ברכת 'לישב בסוכה'בליל ראשון בלבד, ריבוי הדסים ועוד ועוד. נספח מיוחד עוסק במנהג פייטנים, דוגמת הקלירי, לייחס עצמם על שם מקומם.










A Compromise in Halacha - On Menachot 33a

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A Compromise in Halacha - On Menachot 33a
By Eli Genauer

A common D’var Torah delivered at a wedding goes something like this: “Dear Chatan and Kallah. You are standing beneath a Chupah which is representative of the home you will build within the Jewish people. When you walk into your home, you will notice that that Mezuzah is placed in a diagonal position on the doorpost. There is a disagreement between Rashi and his grandson Rabbeinu Tam as to whether the Mezuzah should be affixed in a vertical or horizontal position. Later decisors ruled that a compromise between those two opinions was in order and therefore prescribed that the Mezuzah be affixed diagonally. This lesson of compromise is an important one as you embark upon you marriage and the Mezuzah on your door is an important reminder of this principle. Mazal Tov!”

This wedding Dvar Torah is based on a Gemara in Menachot 33a
אמר רב יהודה אמר רבעשאה כמין נגר פסולה.
איניוהא כי אתא רב יצחק בר יוסף אמר כולהו מזוזתא דבי רבי כמין נגר הוו עביד……. ?
לא קשיאהא דעבידא כסיכתאהא דעבידא כאיסתוירא
Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: If one affixes a Mezuzah like a bolt, it is invalid. Is this so? But when Rav Yitzchak bar Yosef came ( from Eretz Yisroel ) he said that all Mezuzot in the house of Rebbe ( Yehuda HaNasi) were affixed like a bolt……? This is not difficult. This ruling (where it is ruled as being unfit) is where it was prepared like a peg; that ruling (in the house of Rebbe where it is ruled as being fit) is where it is prepared like an ankle. [1] 

Rashi explains that a “נגר” is something that is embedded in a wall “שתוחבין הנגרין בכותל”[2] 2. He then writes the word “כזה” and illustrates this with a drawing showing a horizontally placed Mezuzah. This is one of many times here that Rashi tells us something and then uses the word “כזה” which is then followed by a diagram. In this case, the illustration shows a horizontally affixed Mezuzah and it is a mezuzah affixed in this direction that is improper.

Rabbeinu Tam (תוסד״ה "הא דעבידא כסיכתא) is bothered by the explanation of Rashi because he feels that it is more honorable to have the Mezuzah affixed in a horizontal position just as it is more honorable to have a Sefer Torah lying horizontally than standing vertically. He therefore translates the word “נגר” as a “peg” and says that the disqualification of a Mezuzah affixed כמין נגר is that it is affixed vertically, like a peg. He also translates the word כסיכתא as a peg and therefore disqualified because it is vertical, and the word איסתוירא, which is considered to be proper, as the part of the foot below the ankle which is horizontal.

The idea that affixing the Mezuzah diagonally is a compromise between the positions of Rashi and Rabbeinu Tam is based on the Shulchan Aruch, Yoreh Deah 289:6

צְרִיכָה לִהְיוֹת זְקוּפָהאָרְכָּהּ לְאֹרֶךְ מְזוּזַת הַפֶּתַח..... הַגָּהוְכֵן נָהֲגוּ. (בֵּית יוֹסֵףאֲבָל יֵשׁ אוֹמְרִים שֶׁפְּסוּלָה בִּזְקוּפָהאֶלָּא צְרִיכָה לִהְיוֹת שְׁכוּבָהאָרְכָּהּ לְרֹחַב מְזוּזַת הַפֶּתַח (טוּר וְהַפּוֹסְקִים בְּשֵׁם רַבֵּנוּ תָּם). וְהַמְּדַקְדְּקִיןיוֹצְאִין יְדֵי שְׁנֵיהֶםוּמַנִּיחִים אוֹתָהּ בְּשִׁפּוּעַ וּבַאֲלַכְסוֹן (טוּר וְהַגָּהוֹת מַיְמוֹנִי ומהרי''ל ות''ה סינ''ב), וְכֵן רָאוּי לִנְהֹגוְכֵן נוֹהֲגִין בִּמְדִינוֹת אֵלּוּ.

In truth, it is not really a compromise but rather an effort to affix the Mezuzah in a way in which both Rashi and Rabbeinu Tam would approve. Rashi says that vertical is the proper way, horizontal is Pasul, but bent ( or diagonal) is also Kosher. Rabbeinu Tam says that horizontal is the proper way, vertical is Pasul, but bent is also Kosher. Some Meforshim take this idea even further by saying that since in the house of Rebbe the Mezuzot were affixed כאיסתוירא, this was some sort of Hidur and therefore something to be emulated.

The classic edition of the Vilna Shas (Vilna 1885) renders this Sugya and the accompanying diagrams as such

























Here are the words of Rashi which correspond to these two diagrams which show the positioning of four Mezuzot
  1. עשאה כמין נגר שקבעה ותחבה בסף כנגרשתוחבין הנגרין בכותל כזה.
  2. פסולה דמצותה לתתה באורך בסף כזהנגרקביליא
  3. עבידא כסיכתא נגר כשל אומנים כזהפסולה
  4. איסתוירא היינו מקום חיבור השוק והרגל ומעומד הוא כזהכשירה:
  5. ל"א איסתויראכי היכי דמקום חיבור השוק והרגל הוי השוק זקוף מלמעלה והרגל שוכב כזהכך הניחה למזוזה כשירה הואיל וראשה אחד זקוף:
The doorframe in the top illustration shows the position of two Mezuzot.


The one on top is horizontal which is improper, and the one on the bottom is vertical which is Kosher.
  1. עשאה כמין נגר שקבעה ותחבה בסף כנגרשתוחבין הנגרין בכותל כזה.
He affixed and inserted it in the doorpost like a bolt, for workmen who work with bolts insert it in the walls like this[3] 
  1. פסולה דמצותה לתתה באורך בסף כזה.
It is improper- Because the Mitzvah is to affix it vertically in the doorpost like this….

The doorframe in the lower illustration also shows two Mezuzot.


The one on top is horizontal and therefore improper and the one on the bottom is bent (it looks like the Hebrew letter Nun), and therefore Kosher. Here are the words of Rashi which correspond to these two Mezuzot.

עבידא כסיכתא נגר כשל אומנים כזהפסולה
A bolt as fashioned by workmen like this is disqualified

ל"א איסתויראכי היכי דמקום חיבור השוק והרגל הוי השוק זקוף מלמעלה והרגל שוכב כזהכך הניחה למזוזה כשירה הואיל וראשה אחד זקוף

Another explanation of איסתוירא – like the point at which the “Shok” joins the ”Regel”, where the “Shok” is upright and the “Regel” rests, like this, so too if he affixes the Mezuzah like this it is Kosher because the top part is upright.

There is no diagram associated directly with this comment of Rashi

איסתוירא היינו מקום חיבור השוק והרגל ומעומד הוא כזהכשירה:

Whether a נגר is normally inserted horizontally or vertically is also “illustrated” in Jastrow’s explanation of the word


In Bava Batra 101a he describes it “like an upright bolt” and in our Gemara he describes it as “like a bolt shoved into a case, i.e. horizontally

There are two issues with the standard depiction of the two diagrams in the Vilna Shas. Rashi uses the word כזה five times and there are only four “illustrations” (2 in each diagram) Also, we would expect that there would be a diagram after each time it says כזה.

This problem is solved when we look at the only handwritten manuscript we have of Rashi on this part of Menachot.

The National Library of Russia, St. Petersburg, Russia Ms. EVR IV 25:


It contains five depictions of the placement of the Mezuzot and each כזה is followed by a depiction.


The problem is also solved when we look at the first printed edition of Menachot ( Bomberg 1522) whose source had to be a manuscript. [4] 

This printed edition leaves space after every כזה. It even includes a rudimentary depiction of the last כזה looking like a “Nun” which is supposed to depict where the ankle meets the leg.






It looks very much like the Nun in the National Library of Russia manuscript and may have emanated from the same source.


It was very exciting for me personally to discover this “diagram” which clearly was added to illustrate the כזה. In his Maamar 'al hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, (ed. A.M. Habermann, Mossad ha-Rav Kook, Jerusalem: 2006, p.41)  Rav Natan Nata Rabbinowicz, writing about the first Bomberg edition, states as follows:
״ובכל התלמוד (וכן בכל הדפוסים הישנים עד דפוס בערמןנשמטו הציורים בגמרארש״י ותוספות,ונשאר מקומם חלקמלבד בסוטה מגשישנו הציור ברש״י
In all of the Talmud (and in all other older printed editions of the Talmud until the Berman edition ( Frankfurt an Der Oder 1697-99) the diagrams were not included in the Talmud, Rashi and Tosfot, and their space remained empty, except for Sotah 43A, where we find a diagram in Rashi.”
It turns out there was a diagram included in the second Bomberg edition of Zevachim( 1528) on 53b, which Rabbinowicz probably never saw. See my article here.
He may have also missed this one because it does not look much like a diagram, but just a letter, or perhaps he felt it was of no significance.
This depiction of the last כזה looking like a “Nun” was maintained by subsequent editions of the Talmud printed in Basel 1580, Cracow 1605, Amsterdam 1644, and Frankfurt an der Oder in 1699.
It was only dropped and replaced with the two larger diagrams we have today in the Frankfurt am Main edition of 1720.


Since many people follow the advice of the Rema and affix the Mezuzah diagonally, it is important to understand the source. This is the word in the Gemara which state that in the house of Rebbe, the Mezuzot were affixed כאיסתוירא. This word is etymologically related to the Latin word astragalus which is described as “the bone in the ankle that articulates with the leg bones to form the ankle joint”. It is more commonly known today as the Talus and looks like this:[5] 


As used in the Gemara, it probably meant the entire area where the bottom of the foot ( which is horizontal) met the bottom of the leg ( which is vertical) at the ankle, thereby looking like something that was bent.

Finally, there is a fascinating story about the Talus bone related by Rav Yisroel Shachor in the Sefer “Dovair Yesharim”.[6] In discussing the איסתוירא, he writes that he was in a terrible automobile accident and בחסדי ה׳ escaped death by climbing out of the rear of the car only seconds before it burst into flames. The only injury he sustained was a broken bone in his foot, which he identified as the Talus. He had many opportunities to view x-rays of his broken foot and concludes “I see this as a source of amazement that the only bone of all 248 bones in my body which was broken, allowed me to understand the words of Torah, and to understand that this was the איסתוירא which is mentioned in Gemarot.”[7]

[1] Translation courtesy of Sefaria.org and follows the interpretation of Rashi.
[2] There is discussion on whether what is shown as Rashi in our editions of Menachot was actually written by Rashi. Rav Natan Nata Rabbinowicz ( author of Dikdukei Sofrim) writes that our “Rashi” was written by a student of Rabbeinu Gershom. ( Dikdukei Sofrim on Menachot 86a note 6 where he writes ...מפני שהפרוש הזה המיוחס לרש״י הוא כנראה מתלמיד הרבינו גרשום מאור הגולה והעתיק ברובו לשון הרבינו גרשום מאור הגולה) Rav Betzalel Ashkenazi (the author of the Shita Mekubetzet) writes that for chapters 7-10, the “Rashi” in the standard editions was not written by Rashi and he substitutes his own version which is indicated by the words “Rashi Ktiv Yad” in the Vilna Shas. The editors of the Vilna Shas record this opinion at the beginning of the 7th chapter ( Menachot 72a) as follows: וזה לשונו "זה הפּרוש אשר הוא בדפוס מפרק אלו המנחות עד שתי הלחם אינו מפי׳ רש״י ז״ל והוא של פרשן אחר, וזה לשון רש״י כּ״י".But Rav Ashkenazi seems to indicate that the Rashi of other chapters was in fact written by Rashi. ( see his note to the beginning of Menachot chapter 11 where he writes מכאן ואליך הוא פירוש רש״י ז״ל).
[3] We only know that it is affixed in a horizontal direction from the picture, not from Rashi’s words.
[4] The Soncino family printed many tractates of the Talmud from 1483-1519 before Bomberg printed the complete Talmud in 1520-1522, and those Soncino editions often formed the basis for the text of the Bomberg edition. But the Soncino family did not print tractate Menachot meaning the Bomberg edition was based solely on manuscripts.
[5] My source for this information is Dr. Carol Teitz who is a member of my Shul. Dr. Teitz is an orthopedic surgeon and most recently, the dean of admissions at the University of Washington Medical School
[6] Doveir Yesharim, Sefer Shemot, Jerusalem. 2014, page 128
[7] This source was brought to my attention by a Torah scholar named Aharon who has helped me immensely in my research on diagrams.
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