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The Kabbalah of Relation by Rabbi Bezalel Naor book review

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Book Review[1]
by Dovid Sears
Bezalel Naor, The Kabbalah of Relation (Spring Valley, NY: Orot, 2012)
Before discussing Rabbi Naor’s new book, I must say that anything with his name on the cover should be of interest to any explorer of Jewish mystical tradition. Despite some twenty first-rate scholarly works in English and Hebrew, Bezalel Naor remains a “hidden light,” perhaps too brilliant for many to gaze upon directly. He is one of the leading intellectuals in the traditional world of Jewish scholarship—as he would be in the academic world if, by the grace of God, we would be spared the ravages of intellectual climate change and the wind would shift. Bezalel Naor once described himself as a “frequent flyer of the corpus callosum connecting the left and right hemispheres of the brain.”
This work, jam-packed with creative thinking and the vast erudition we have come to expect from the author, deals with the male-female relationship from the standpoint of the Aggadah and Kabbalah, at the level of plain-meaning and at various levels of mystical allusion.
The departure point for the book is an oft-cited yet curious passage in the Babylonian Talmud (Eruvin 100b) which says that had the Torah not been given on Mount Sinai, then we would have learned various positive character traits from the animal kingdom. The most famous example given is that we would have learned modesty from the example of the cat. Surprisingly, most of the Talmud’s attention is lavished on the rooster, from whom a husband would learn that he must appease his wife before entering into marital relations with her. From the Talmud’s telling of the story, it turns out that the rooster lies to the hen, promising to buy her a coat (or in another reading, earrings) that he is no position financially to purchase! According to Naor, this “white lie” is the very secret of our finite, paradoxical existence in this world, and he then takes us, the readers, on a tour de force, as only he is capable, of our entire Judaic literature: Bible, Talmud, Medieval Philosophy, Kabbalah, Hasidism—and of course, the specialty of the house: Rav Kook.

Q. The book begins with an autobiographical description of Chagall’s youthful meeting (yehidut) with the Rebbe of Lubavitch, Rabbi Shalom Baer (Rashab). This raises the question of the artist’s connection to the teachings of Habad and the Hasidic world of his youth. Beyond this, one wonders about other encounters the Habad Rebbeim may have had with Jewish artists, for better or worse. Any thoughts?

DS: Marc Chagall is widely-embraced as the outstanding Jewish artist of the 20th century, who embraced his shtetl roots in his colorful, expressionistic and often surrealistic paintings. Many Jewish artists, both secular and religious, have used Chagall as a point of departure for their own brand of Jewish art. But actually the autobiographical vignette presented at the beginning of the book, which is patently insulting to the towering Hasidic thinker and tsaddik, Rabbi Shalom Dov Ber of Lubavitch (RaSHaB). is an eloquent testimony to Chagall’s chutzpah and am ha’aratzus (ignorance). Although he grew up in a traditional Hasidic environment in the village of Lyozno, famed for having once been the home of the “Alter Rebbe” (Rabbi Shneur Zalman, founder of Habad), he didn’t seem to know a line of Tanya or Likkutei Torah—despite his fond memory of his mother’s Habad niggun (melody). Religiously, he was a pathetic figure.

As for the Rebbes and artists, I remember reading that one of the Kotzker Rebbe’s descendants was a painter. Nothing to do with Habad, though. I don’t know about earlier Rebbes in the Habad lineage, but this last Lubavitcher Rebbe zt”l had a positive relationship with a few artists: Jacques Lipschutz, Yakov Agam, Baruch Nachshon, and born-and-raised Lubavitchers Hendel Lieberman (who was the brother of the legendary mashpi’a Rabbi Mendel Futerfass) and my wonderful and unforgettable friend, the late Zalman Kleinman. But maybe that was part of Rabbi Schneerson’s kiruv (outreach) mission with its nuanced embrace of selective parts of modernism in order turn them around to kedushah (holiness)—which the kabbalists call “it’hapkha,” meaning transformation or reversal. Jewish fine art (as opposed to decorative art) is a relatively new thing if we begin with Camille Pissarro (1830-1903)—whose father was Jewish, although some claim that his mother was Creole (at any rate he was Jewish enough to be hated for it by Degas and Renoir)—or Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), who was only a couple of years older than Chagall. So I’d be surprised if the early Hasidic Rebbes or their Mitnagdic counterparts had much exposure to it. But, of course, with Rebbes you can never tell…

Q. In The Kabbalah of Relation, Marc Chagall's paintings have been juxtaposed to this Talmudic-Kabbalistic text. Is the juxtaposition warranted, not to the point, or even unlawful?

DS: On the one hand, Rabbi Naor’s recognition of this correspondence was a brilliant observation. As such, it would have been hard to resist. On the other, I question whether it’s okay halakhically, particularly in a sefer, a volume of Torah. One or two of these paintings should definitely keep this volume off the shelf in Biegeleisen’s Seforim Store. But sometimes when we look at art, we enter another mental space and unconsciously set aside such considerations. We’re looking at imaginal reality, not the physical world in the conventional sense. Maybe there’s a faint glimmer of a heter (leniency) there—but maybe not.

Another question that this “tzushtell” (tie-in) raises is the legitimacy of Chagall as a Jewish mystic, which the book seems to propose (as with Chagall’s “Hasidim vs. Misnagdim” comment).

Although he was a towering creative artist, I don’t think Chagall was a Jewish mystic, as Rabbi Naor suggests, but a Jewish pagan. Erich Neumann might have fitted Chagall’s fertility symbolism very nicely into his huge Jungian opus, The Origins and History of Consciousness (which I actually read from cover to cover about 40 years ago). Chagall didn’t need Kabbalah or Hasidism for his images. These are archetypal ideas, as shaped by the artistic vision of a White Russian village Jew who somehow made it past the maitre d’ and into the high culture of Paris.

There was an early 20th century British critic and writer named T.E. Hulme who once famously remarked that “Romanticism is spilt religion.” There’s plenty of that in Chagall. But on the other hand, we see that for many religious Jewish artists, Chagall created a dreamy, surrealistic style that allowed them to weave together powerful mystical images. Examples are Elyah Sukkot, Baruch Nachshon, Shoshanna Brombacher and others. So in a way, the “spilt religion” can be channeled back to where it comes from.

Q. Is Naor's transition or extrapolation from a Talmudic text to Kabbalistic teachings traditional or non-traditional?

DS: I’d say that it’s brilliant, creative, and poetic in its way of linking ideas. The tone and texture of the hiddush (innovation) is not traditional, but the hook-up between nigleh (exoteric) and nistar (esoteric) is quite traditional and legitimate. One may object to this or that point, but that’s Torah, isn’t it? Not only halakhic issues are debated in the Gemara but also matters of Aggadah (theological and other non-legalistic teachings), as Abraham J. Heschel shows in Torah min ha-Shamayim. And besides, whatever a perspicacious thinker such as Bezalel Naor says deserves our attention, whatever its proximity to the edge of the cliff may be. 

Q. What is the essential difference between the Mitnagdic (Vilna Gaon) and Hasidic (Ba'al Shem Tov) approaches to interpreting Kabbalah, and how do we see this difference illustrated in the two solutions or "endings" offered in this book?

DS: In art, we often speak of classicism and romanticism. The classicists are (or more accurately “were”) the “straight-arrows.” They stressed academic training and were concerned with realistic depictions and fine technique; certain subjects were acceptable, while other were not, or were certainly overlooked. Emotional restraint, rational intellect and high culture were implicitly valued. Romanticism represented a radical break with this approach to life and art. Our old friend T.E. Hulme described it as being “informed by a belief in the infinite in man and nature” – although most of these artists were and are secularists. (Look at the way the Abstract Expressionists talked about their art! Especially Mark Rothko, who really missed his calling as a kabbalist—or at least a professor of Kabbalah. The art critic Katharine Kuh once published a book of interviews with a number of artists whose words often reflect this “belief in the infinite in man and nature.”[2])
Somewhat similarly, in their own way the Mitnagdim were religious classicists and the Hasidim were closer to the romantics. Maybe that’s what Chagall meant with his remark that the new artists of his day were like the Hasidim.

The clash between the Mitnagdim and the Hasidim was also a clash between two broad mindsets: a dominant (albeit faith-based) rationalism vs. a greater emphasis on intuition and passionate feeling; scholarly elitism vs. greater democracy of spirit, and even an inclusivism within the social strata of the close-knit fraternities we associate with the Hasidic movement.

In terms of Rabbi Naor’s book, the “Mitnagdic ending” (admittedly this is a gross oversimplification) is that the rooster, who represents the Creator, extends a garment of divine protection over the hen, who represents either the Shekhinah or the individual soul. By virtue of the holiness of the Torah and mitsvot (commandments), the extrication of the fallen souls on the lowest levels of creation is accomplished. All souls will be incarnated and refined of their spiritual dross; then the rooster’s promise to the hen that “the robe will reach down to your legs” will be fulfilled, and Mashi’ah will come. (This is based on a teaching of Rabbi Isaac Haver, representing the school of the Vilna Gaon, if I didn’t take a wrong turn along the way.)

In the Hasidic counterpart to this scenario (à la Reb Eizikl Komarner, fusing teachings of the Baal Shem Tov and the Maggid of Mezeritch), the Shekhinah is “adorned with adornments that do not exist”[3]—that is, there is not only a cosmic restoration accomplished by our‘avodat ha-birurim (spiritual work) throughout the course of time, but an advantage of some sort to creation. Something “extra” is delivered to the Creator, beyond the holiness of the Torah and mitsvot (commandments). And this is accomplished by the tsaddik who descends into the nether regions in order to procure those “adornments.”[4]

The author concludes his book on the following note:

What is certain is that in the process, the tsaddik will be beaten to a pulp. (In the words of the Rabbi of Komarno, “[God] chastises and beats the righteous.”) The crown of the just man and his wings—his entire spiritual profile—will be lowered. And yet, even in defeat the tsaddik is valiant and beloved to the Shekhinah.[5]

Q. Rabbi Naor contrasts Maimonides' view of human sensuality with that of the Kabbalists. How Judaic or Hellenic is Maimonides' view?

DS: The Zohar, Rabbi Moses Cordovero (RaMaK), the Reshit Hokhmah, the main schools of Hasidism that I’m familiar with, and certainly Rabbi Nahman of Breslov, all have a marked ascetic element. Sexuality is often sublimated to the spiritual plane, and kedushah (sanctity) in all such matters is stressed. Rabbi Nahman uses the term “yihuda tata’ah” (lower unification) to describe the ideal conduct of the married couple; sanctification of the marital relationship elicits the “yihuda ila’ah” (upper unification) on the sublime level (which brings about cosmic harmony).

Ditto the approach to the ko’ah ha-medameh, or imagination. The Breslov literature often contrasts the imagination of a spiritually-evolved human being with that of a coarse person who has the “imagination of a beast.”[6] Rabbi Nathan [Sternhartz] discusses these concepts in Likkutei Halakhot (beginning Hil. Sheluhin 5). There he states that the imagination can be a shali’ah (emissary) of the sekhel (reason)[7]; or it can be co-opted by the physical, which is to say, the animalistic side of human nature.

Rabbi Nahman’s lessons are extremely imagistic and poetic in their construction. “This is a behinah (aspect) of this; that is a behinah (aspect) of that.” In this way Rabbi Nahman builds connections between things and shows their underlying unity. And of course, there are Rabbi Nahman’s famous thirteen mystical stories, which anticipated surrealism by more than a century. All this is a demonstration of “birur ko’ah ha-medameh,” clarification of the imagination, so that it may express the essence of mind.

Although the kabbalists do not share the puritanical view of Maimonides toward the body and the conjugal act, as Rabbi Naor points out,[8] they are not so far apart in their attitudes toward hedonism—but not for the same reasons. The philosophers prized the intellect’s ascendancy over emotion and sensuality, and Maimonides may have been influenced by this attitude. The mystics, however, are more concerned with transcendence and sublimation (in the religious sense, not in the Freudian sense). Their bias is not due to a prejudice in favor of reason, but bespeaks the love and awe of God. 

Q. The morning blessing reads: "...Who has given understanding to the rooster to discern between day and night." Isn't the blessing reversed? Night precedes day. Certainly the blessing should read "to discern between night and day"!

DS: Based on teachings from the Zohar and Rabbi Isaac Luria (Ari),[9] the robe given by rooster to the hen may be said to correspond to the process of birur—the extrication of all souls from Adam Beli’al, or “Anti-Adam” —throughout the course of history. That is, the human body from the head to feet represents the yeridat ha-dorot, the spiritual decline of the generations. The “head,” beginning with Adam, is like day, while the “feet,” or later generations, are like night. In these final generations, the Shekhinah, which represents God’s immanence in creation, is positioned at the feet of Adam Beli’al. The rooster understands the spiritual decline at each stage of the game. We who live in the spiritual “twilight zone” can’t function like our noble ancestors (compared to whom the Talmud says we are as donkeys). Hence, the phraseology of the blessing, “between day and night.”

Postscript:

I’d like to add one more thought about the issue discussed at the end of the text. As mentioned above, Rabbi Naor quotes Reb Eizikl Komarner’s remarks about the fallen “letters” of creation, which the tsaddikim must elevate from what the Zohar calls “raglin de-raglin,” or “feet of feet”—the lowest levels. The Komarno Rebbe cites the Maggid of Mezeritch, who contrasts “adornments that did exist” with “adornments that did not exist.” The former are related to the Torah and mitsvot (commandments)—the holy—while the latter are related to the mundane and that which is most distant from holiness.

It strikes me as worth comparing this to Rabbi Nahman’s cryptic parable about a king who commissioned two fellows to decorate separate but facing halves of his new palace.[10] The first appointee mastered all the necessary skills and then painted the most beautiful murals depicting all sorts of animals and birds on the walls of his chamber. The second guy goofed off until the deadline was only a few days away—and became panic-stricken. Then he had a brainstorm. He smeared the walls with a substance (“pakst”) so black that it shined. Thus the walls were able to reflect everything in the other room. Then Decorator Number Two hung a curtain to divide between the rooms.

When the big day arrived, the king inspected his new palace, and was overjoyed with the murals of the first man, executed with such consummate skill. The other chamber was shrouded in darkness, due to the curtain. But when our “chevreman” drew back the curtain, there now shone into the room the reflection of everything that was in the first room directly across. (Here the Rebbe mentions birds specifically for the third time.) Even the elegant furnishings and precious objects that the king brought into the first chamber were reflected in the second. Moreover, whatever additional wondrous vessels the king wanted to bring into his palace were visible in the second chamber.

What were these “additional wondrous vessels” that had not yet been brought to the palace, but which the king desired? Moreover, it is not clear that the king meant to bring them to the first chamber, with its lovely murals and furnishings, thus to be reflected in the second chamber. What the text seems to state is that these desired “wondrous vessels” were already visible in the second chamber—“and the matter was good in the king’s eyes.”[11]

Maybe we can venture the interpretation that it is the tsaddik (righteous man) who diligently heeds the king’s command and decorates his half of the palace so beautifully, while it is the ba’al teshuvah (penitent) who creates the shiny black room. The ba’al teshuvah must receive an illumination from the tsaddik on the other side of the hall, who did everything “by the book.” Yet Rabbi Nahman indicates that the ba’al teshuvah has an advantage over the tsaddik.[12]

Perhaps this parable of Rabbi Nahman is cut from the same cloth as the Hasidic idea discussed at the end of Rabbi Naor’s book, that the tsaddik, through his willing and somewhat self-sacrificial descent to the lowest levels, brings to the realm of kedushah additional elements that could not otherwise have been obtained. It is this paradoxical descent of the tsaddik that ultimately brings the greatest delight to the Master of the Universe.


[1] "Based on remarks at The Carlebach Shul, Tuesday evening, November 20, 2012."
[2] In addition, see Robert Rosenblum’s Modern Painting and the Northern Romantic Tradition, if you can still find a copy. It’s a real “eye-opener,” both artistically and intellectually.
[3] See Naor’s endnote on p. 62, especially citing Rabbenu Hananel’s reading in the Gemara (‘Eruvin 100b) which is the departure point of the entire book.
[4] Cf. Likkutei Moharan II, 8.
[5] The Kabbalah of Relation, p. 39.
[6] For example, see Likkutei Moharan, Part I, lessons 25, 49; and especially Part II, lesson 8 (“Tik’u/Tohakhah”).
[7] I am loath to equate this with the rational faculty in the Maimonidean sense.
[8] See the discussion in The Kabbalah of Relation, pp. 42-45.
[9] Sources cited in The Kabbalah of Relation, p. 55.
[10] Hayyei Moharan, sec. 98; English translation in Rabbi Avraham Greenbaum, Tzaddik (Breslov Research Institute), “New Stories,” sec. 224.
[11] In Hebrew: “Ve-khen kol mah she-yirtzeh ha-melekh lehakhnis ‘od kelim nifla’im le-tokh ha-palatin, yiheyu kulam nir’im be-helko shel ha-sheni, ve-hutav ha-davar lifnei ha-melekh.” 
[12] Cf. TB, Berakhot 34b: “In the place where the penitents stand, the wholly righteous cannot stand.”

Identifying Achashverosh and Esther in Secular Sources

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Identifying Achashverosh and Esther in Secular Sources 
By Mitchell First 
This article is a summary of a longer article to appear in Essays for a Jewish Lifetime: The Burton D. Morris Jubilee Volume, edited by Menachem Butler and Marian E. Frankston, forthcoming from Hakirah Press.
     In this article, we will explain how scholars were finally able to identify Achashverosh in secular sources. We will also show that Esther can be identified in secular sources as well. Finally, we will utilize these sources to shed light on the story of the Megillah.

Before we get to these sources, we have to point out that an important clue to the identity of Achashverosh is found in the book of Ezra. Achashverosh is mentioned at Ezra 4:6 in the context of other Persian kings. The simplest understanding of Ezra 4:6 and its surrounding verses is that Achashverosh is the Persian king who reigned after the Daryavesh who rebuilt the Temple,[1] but before Artachshasta. But what about the secular sources? Was there any Persian king known as Achashverosh or something close to that in these sources?
     Until the 19th century, a search in secular sources for a Persian king named Achashverosh or something close to that would have been an unsuccessful one. Our knowledge of the Persian kings from the Biblical period was coming entirely from the writings of Greek historians, and none of the names that they recorded were close to Achashverosh. The Greek historians (Herodotus, mid-5th cent. BCE, and the others who came after him) described the following Persian kings from the Biblical period: Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes.
    We were thus left to speculate as to the identity of Achashverosh. Was he to be equated with Artaxerxes? This was the position taken by the Septuagint to Esther. Was he to be equated with Cambyses? Or was he, as Ezra 4:6 and its surrounding verses implied, the king between Daryavesh (=Darius I) and Artachshasta (=Artaxerxes I). But why did the Greeks refer to him as Xerxes, a name at first glance seeming to have no relation to the name Achashverosh?
    It was only in the 19th century, as a result of the decipherment of Old Persian cuneiform inscriptions from the ancient Persian palaces, that we were able to answer these questions. It was discovered that the name of the king that the Greeks had been referring to as "Xerxes" was in fact: "Khshayarsha" (written in Old Persian cuneiform). This name is very close to the Hebrew "Achashverosh." In their consonantal structure, the two names are identical. Both center on the consonantal sounds "ch", "sh", "r", and "sh." The Hebrew added an initial aleph[2](a frequent occurrence when foreign words with two initial consonants are recorded in Hebrew), and added two vavs. Interestingly, the Megillah spells Achashverosh several times with only one vav, and one time (10:1) spells the name with no vavs.
     Thereafter, at the beginning of the 20th century, Aramaic documents from Egypt from the 5th century B.C.E. came to light. In these documents, this king’s name was spelled in Aramaic as חשירש, חשיארש and אחשירש. The closeness to the Hebrew אחשורוש is easily seen.

     How did Khshayarsha (consonants: KH, SH, R, SH) come to be referred to by the Greeks as Xerxes?
  • The Greek language does not have a letter to represent the "sh" sound.
  • The initial “KH SH” sounds of the Persian name were collapsed into one Greek letter that makes the “KS” sound. A tendency to parallelism probably led to the second “SH” also becoming “KS,” even though “S” would have been more appropriate.[3]Hence, the consonants became KS, R, KS (=X,R,X).
  • The “es” at the end was just something added by the Greeks to help turn the foreign name into proper Greek grammatical form.[4](It was for this same reason that the Hebrew משה  became “Moses” when the Bible was translated into Greek.)

  Identifying Khshayarsha/Xerxes with Achashverosh thus makes much sense on linguistic grounds. Critically, it is consistent with Ezra 4:6 which had implied that Achashverosh was the king between Daryavesh (=Darius I) and Artachshasta (=Artaxerxes I).[5]

    We have an inscription from Khshayarsha in Persian which lists the countries over which he ruled. Among the countries listed are "Hidush" and "Kushiya," most likely the Hodu and Kushof the Megillah.[6] 
    Now that we have identified Achashverosh in secular sources, we can use these sources to provide some biographical information. Xerxes reigned from 486-465 BCE, when the Temple was already rebuilt. It was rebuilt in the reign of his father Darius I in 516 BCE. According to Herodotus, Xerxes was the son of Darius by Atossa, daughter of Cyrus. Xerxes was also the first son born to Darius after Darius became king. These factors distinguished him from his older half-brother Artabazanes, and merited Xerxes being chosen to succeed Darius. At his accession in 486 BCE, Xerxes could not have been more than 36 years old (since he was born after the accession of Darius in 522 BCE).
    The party in which Vashti rebelled took place in the third year of the reign of Achashverosh (1:3), and Esther was not chosen until the 7th year (2:16). Why did it take Achashverosh so long to choose a replacement? It has been suggested that Xerxes was distracted by his foreign policy. In the early years of his reign, Xerxes ordered a full-scale invasion of Greece. Xerxes went on the invasion himself, which took him out of Persia commencing in the spring or summer of his 5th year and continuing through part of his 7thyear.[7]This invasion ended in defeat.
     From the secular sources and a solar eclipse that took place in the battles, it can be calculated that Xerxes did not return to Susa until the fall of 479 B.C.E.[8]Tevet of Achashverosh's 7th year, when Esther was chosen, would have been Dec. 479/Jan. 478 B.C.E. Accordingly, Esther was taken to the palace shortly after Xerxes’ return.      
    Do we have any evidence in secular sources for the main plot of the Purim story, the threat to destroy the Jews in the 12thyear (3:7)? We do not, but this is to be expected. No works from any Persian historians from this period have survived. (Probably, no such works were ever composed.) Our main source for the events of the reign of Xerxes is Herodotus and his narrative ends in the 7th year of Xerxes.[9]

    Interestingly, there is perhaps a reference to Mordechai in a later narrative source. The Greek historian Ctesias,[10]who served as a physician to Artaxerxes II, mentions a “Matacas” who was the most influential of all of Xerxes’ eunuchs. (Probably, “eunuch” was merely a term used to indicate a holder of a high position in the king’s court.) “Matacas” suggests a Persian name with the consonants MTC, which would be very close to the consonants of the name Mordechai, MRDC.[11]  The information provided by Ctesias bears a significant resemblance to the last verse in the Megillah, which records that by the end of the story, Mordechai was mishneh (=second) to the king.[12](Perhaps we do not have to take mishneh literally; the import may merely be “very high official.”)

    Most interesting is what happens when we analyze the secular sources regarding the wife of Xerxes. According to Herodotus, the wife of Xerxes was named Amestris, and she was the daughter of a military commander named Otanes. (In the Megillah, Esther is described as the daughter of Avichail.) Ctesias records that Amestris outlived Xerxes. Moreover, in the further details that Ctesias provides, Amestris is involved in royal affairs even in the reign of her son Artaxerxes.[13]Neither Herodotus nor Ctesias use a term like “queen” for her, but their description of Amestris fits what we would call today the “queen.” Neither gives any indication that Xerxes had any other wife.
    Some postulate that Amestris is Vashti. But this is extremely unlikely since there is nothing in Herodotus or Ctesias to indicate any loss of status by Amestris. Others postulate (based on verses such as Est. 2:19 and 4:11[14]) that Esther was never the main   wife of Xerxes, but was one of other wives of a lesser status. See, e.g., Chamesh Megillot, Daat Mikra edition (published by Mossad Harav Kook), introduction to Esther, p. 6. The problem with this approach is that the clear impression that one receives from the Megillah is that Esther was the Persian wife of the highest status from the time she was chosen in the 7th year of the reign of Achashverosh through the balance of the years described in the book. See, e.g., verse 2:17 (va-yasem keter malkhut be-roshah va-yamlikheha tachat Vashti).        
    The approach that seems to have the least difficulties is to postulate that Amestris is  Esther and that Herodotus simply erred regarding her ancestry. Although Herodotus traveled widely in the 460’s and 450’s B.C.E., he probably never set foot in Persia. His information about Persia is based on what was told to him orally. Every scholar knows that he could not possibly be correct on a large percentage of the details he reports (whether about Persia or any matter). Also, the impression that one receives from the Megillah is that Esther did not disclose her true ancestry for several years. Whatever rumors about her ancestry first came out may be what made their way to Herodotus.[15]
    It is striking that the name Avichayil means military commander.[16] It is not so farfetched to suggest that Avichayil might have had another name which resembled the name Otanes.  The Megillah tells us that Esther had another name, Hadassah.   
   Herodotus tells a story depicting the cruelty of Amestris. Amestris takes revenge on another woman by cutting off her body parts and throwing them to the dogs. Ctesias writes that Amestris ordered someone impaled, and had fifty Greeks decapitated. But scholars today know not to believe all the tales told by the Greek historians about their enemies, the Persians. (Herodotus, known as the “Father of History,” is also known as the “Father of Lies.” The reputation of Ctesias as a historian is far worse; he is widely viewed as freely mixing fact and fiction.)    
    Although he never says it explicitly, one gets the impression from Herodotus that he believed that Amestris was the wife of Xerxes even in the first seven years of Xerxes’ reign. But it would be understandable that Herodotus might have had such a belief. According to the Megillah, Vashti was gone by the third year of Xerxes. Xerxes reigned 18 years after that. To Herodotus and his informants, Vashti may have been long forgotten.
    We have no Persian sources for the name of the wife of Khshayarsha. But close examination of the name "Amestris" supports its identification with Esther. The "is" at the end was just a suffix added to turn the foreign name into proper Greek grammatical form (just as "es" was added at the end of “Xerxes”). When comparing the remaining consonants, the name of the wife of Xerxes is recorded in the Greek historians as based around the consonants M, S, T, and R, and the name as recorded in the Megillah is based around the consonants S, T, and R. Out of the numerous possible consonants in these languages, three consonants are the same and in the same order! Probability suggests that this is not coincidence and that the two are the same person. Probably her Persian name was composed of the consonants M, S, T, and R, and the M was not preserved in the Hebrew. (One source in Orthodoxy that has suggested the identification of Esther with Amestris, without any discussion, is Trei Asar, Daat Mikra edition, published by Mossad Harav Kook, vol. 2, appendix, p. 3.)
                                                                      ----   
    Once we realize that Achashverosh is Xerxes, it becomes evident that the asher haglah of Esther 2:6 cannot be referring to Mordechai. King Yechanyah was exiled in 597 B.C.E. If Mordechai was old enough to have been exiled with King Yechanyah, he would have been over 120 years old when appointed to a high position in the 12thyear of Xerxes. Moreover, Esther, his first cousin, would not have been young enough to have been chosen queen a few years earlier. One alternative is to understand verse 2:6 as referring to Mordechai’s great-grandfather Kish.[17]Another alternative is to view the subject of 2:6 as Mordechai, but to read the verse as implying only that Mordechai came from a family that had been exiled.
                                                                     ---- 
   The identification of Achashverosh with Xerxes does not fit with the view of the Talmud. According to the Talmud (Megillah 11b, based on Seder Olam chap. 29), Achashverosh reigned between Koresh and Daryavesh. In this view, the Temple had not yet been rebuilt at the time of the events of the Megillah. (In the view of Seder Olam and the Talmud, the Persian period spanned the reigns of only three Persian kings. This is much shorter than the conventional chronology. The conventional chronology is set forth in the Table below. For more information about this discrepancy, see my Jewish History in Conflict: A Study of the Major Discrepancy Between Rabbinic and Conventional Chronology, Jason Aronson, 1997).
    That the king intended to be depicted in the Megillah was Khshayarsha/Xerxes is accepted by legions of scholars today, even if they question the historicity of the story. Within Orthodoxy, some sources that accept the identification of Achashverosh with Xerxes include: Chamesh Megillot (Daat Mikra edition), R. Isaac Halevy,[18] R. Shelomoh Danziger,[19] R. Avigdor Miller,[20]R. Adin Steinsaltz,[21]R. Yoel Bin-Nun,[22] R. Yehuda Landy,[23]and R. Menachem Liebtag.[24]
    The Megillah (10:2) implied that we could search outside the Bible for additional information regarding Achashverosh. I trust that this search has proven an interesting one!
                                                             ------
     Table: The main Persian kings from this era and their dates (B.C.E.):

Cyrus              539-530
Cambyses [25]   530-522
Darius I          522-486
Xerxes            486-465
Artaxerxes I   465-424[26]
Darius II         423-404
Artaxerxes II  404-358
Artaxerxes III 358-338
Arses              338-336
Darius III       336-332

Mitchell First works as an attorney in Manhattan and lives in New Jersey, and is available to lecture on this topic. He can be reached at MFirstatty@aol.com




[1]Admittedly, this is an oversimplification, since the Daryavesh who rebuilt the Temple is mentioned both at Ezra 4:5 and at Ezra 4:24.  See further below, n. 5.
[2]Both the Elamite and the Akkadian versions of the name Khshayarsha also had an initial vowel. In Elamite,“i”, and in Akkadian, “a”. See Edwin M. Yamauchi, Persia and the Bible (1990), p. 187.
   The name of the king is found in Aramaic in the panels of the Dura-Europos synagogue (3rd century C.E., Syria) without the initial aleph.
[3]That the transmission of foreign names is by no means an exact science is shown by how the name of  the son of Xerxes was recorded by the Greeks. The Greeks preserved the “Arta” of the first part of his name, Artakhshaça, but then just tacked on “xerxes,” the name of his father, as the second part of his name!
[4]I.e., convert it into the nominative case.
[5] With regard to verse 4:24, the proper understanding of this verse is as follows. The author of the book of Ezra decided to digress, and to supplement the reference to accusations made against the Jews in the reigns of Koresh through Daryavesh with mention of further accusations against them in the reigns of the subsequent kings, Achashverosh (Xerxes) and Artachshasta (Artaxerxes I). Verse 4:24 then returns to the main narrative, the reign of Daryavesh. The role played by verse 4:24 is that of “resumptive repetition.” This is the interpretation adopted by the Daat Mikracommentary to Ezra (pp. 27 and 35) and by many modern scholars. See the references at Richard Steiner, “Bishlam’s Archival Search Report in Nehemiah’s Archive: Multiple Introductions and Reverse Chronological Order as Clues to the Origin of the Aramaic Letters in Ezra 4-6,” Journal of Biblical Literature125 (2006), p. 674, n. 164. This understanding of verse 24 only became evident in modern times when it was realized that linguistically Achashverosh was to be identified with Xerxes.
[6]Roland G. Kent, Old Persian: Grammar, Texts, Lexicon, p. 151 (2d ed., 1953).
[7]Many find allusions in the Megillah to the preparation for the invasion and to the invasion. See, e.g., Esther 1:3 and 10:2.
[8]See, e.g., William H. Shea, “Esther and History,” Andrews University Seminary Studies 14 (1976), p. 239.
  In the Persian system of regnal reckoning, 485 BCE was considered year 1 of Xerxes. 486 B.C.E. was only the accession year.
[9]See Pierre Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander (2002), pp. 7 and 516. In his narrative of events up to the 7th year, Herodotus does make some tangential references to events after the 7th year. For example, he refers to Artaxerxes a few times, and he tells a story about something that Amestris did in her later years. (She had fourteen children of noble Persians buried alive, as a gift on her behalf to the god of the underworld.)
   Later ancient sources write about the assassination of Xerxes.
[10] The Persicaof Ctesias only survives in quotations or summaries by others. For this particular section of Ctesias, what has survived is a summary by Photius (9thcent.)
[11]Another version of Photius reads “Natacas” here. But this difference is not so significant. “N” and “M” are related consonants, both being nasal stops; it is not uncommon for one to transform into the other.
[12]See also Est. 9:4.
[13]This means that Artaxerxes I (who empowered Ezra, and later Nechemiah) was technically Jewish!
[14]Est. 2:19 refers to a second gathering of maidens, after Esther was chosen. Est. 4:11 records that Esther had not been called to the king for 30 days.
[15]It is sometimes claimed that Esther could not have been the wife of Xerxes because Herodotus (3,84) tells of an agreement between Darius I and his six co-conspirators that the Persian king would not marry outside their families. One of the co-conspirators was named Otanes. But Herodotus nowhere states that the Otanes who was the father of Amestris was the co-conspirator Otanes. Briant writes that if Amestris had been the daughter of co-conspirator Otanes, Herodotus would doubtless have pointed this out. See Briant, p. 135. Therefore, implicit in Herodotus is that Xerxes married outside the seven families.
[16]I would like to thank Rabbi Richard Wolpoe who first made this observation to me.
[17]That the name Mordechai may be based on the name of the Babylonian deity Marduk also suggests that Mordechai was born in exile.
[18]Dorot ha-Rishonim: Tekufat ha-Mikra (1939), p. 262.
[19]“Who Was the Real Akhashverosh?,” Jewish Observer, Feb. 1973, pp. 12-15.
[20]Torah Nation (1971), pp. 40 and 42.
[21]Talmud Bavli, Taanit-Megillah, p. 47, ha-Hayyim, and p. 50, ha-Hayyim.    .
[22]Hadassah Hi Esther (1997), p. 49, n. 8. (This work is a collection of articles by various authors.)
[23]Purim and the Persian Empire (2010), pp. 40-42.    
[24]For additional sources in Orthodoxy that accept the identification of Achashverosh with Xerxes, see Jewish History in Conflict, pp. 178-79.
[25]Cambyses’ name was discovered to be “Kabujiya” in Persian. His name is recorded as כנבוזי in Aramaic documents from Egypt from the 5thcent. B.C.E. He did not reign enough years to be Achashverosh. Nor did he reign over Hodu. See Jewish History in Conflict, p. 167. Although he is not mentioned in Tanakh, his reign is alluded to at Ezra 4:5 (in the word ve-ad).
[26]Another king named Xerxes reigned 45 days after the death of his father Artaxerxes I.

Talmudic Humor and Its Discontents

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Talmudic Humor and Its Discontents
by Ezra Brand
In honor of Purim, I’d like to discuss a few aspects of humor in the Talmud[1]. But first, a short overview of topic of Jewish humor in general.
A lot has been written about Jewish humor[2]. A very good overview of Jewish humor in general is that of Avner Ziv in the second edition of Encyclopedia Judaica, under the entry “Humor”[3]. However, most of the piece is about Jewish humor from the eighteenth century and on, with only a little bit at the beginning about humor in Tanach, the Talmud, and the time of the Rishonim. He writes a fascinating few lines in the beginning of the entry:
What is generally identified in the professional literature as Jewish humor originated in the 19th century, mainly, but not exclusively, in Eastern Europe. Today in the U.S., Jewish humor is considered as one of the mainstreams of American humor.
At the beginning of the 19th century, sense of humor was not associated with Jewishness. Herman Adler, the chief rabbi of London, felt impelled to write an article in 1893 in which he argued against the view that Jews have no sense of humor. It is perhaps interesting to note that not only Jews but non-Jews as well consider today “a good sense of humor” as one of the noble characteristics of Jews.
Even H.N. Bialik had a similar sentiment about the lack of humor in earlier Jewish sources[4]: “To our great distress, there is very little humor in our literature. It is hard to find five continuous lines in Tanach with humor.” The above-mentioned Avner Ziv writes elsewhere: “Even in the Talmud there appear references (though few) to humor, but in total there is not a “treasury” of humor […] not until the end of the 19th century did there appear anything but a few references to Jewish humor.”
However, David Lifshitz begs to differ. In 1995, he wrote an entire doctorate on the topic of humor in the Talmud[5]. He wasn’t the first to collect pieces of humor from the Gemara. Efrayim Davidson collected humorous pieces from throughout Jewish literature in chronological order, starting from Tanach and ending with Modern Hebrew literature[6]. A few articles discuss different aspects of humor in the Talmud, and there are some seforim that collect humorous pieces from the Gemara[7]. However, by far the most comprehensive discussion is that of Horowitz.
As mentioned, Lifshitz wrote an entire dissertation on the topic, running to 312 pages. He writes that the view that there isn’t a substantial amount of humor in earlier sources is mistaken. He feels that this mistake stems from the fact that there has been little research done on the subject of humor in the Gemara, which in turn stems from the fact that humor is looked at as lowly “leitzanus.” Therefore, the great amount of humor in the Gemara was ignored.
Critical Humor
One specific aspect of humor in the Gemara is critical humor[8]. Although not necessarily the best example of humor in the Gemara, this genre of humor caused some uncomfortableness[9], which I will also discuss.
Here are some Gemaras where critical humor is used, taken at random. (Translations are from Soncino, with slight changes[10].)
1)      Kiddushin 79b[11]:
R’ Yosef son of R’ Menasia of Davil gave a practical ruling in accordance with Rav, whereupon Shmuel was offended and exclaimed, “For everyone [wisdom] is meted out in small measure, but for this scholar it was meted out in large measure!”
2)      Yoma 76a[12]:
And it long ago happened that R’ Tarfon, R’ Yishmael and the elders were seated and occupied with the portion referring to the manna, and also R’ Eleazar of Modi’in commenced [to expound] and said: “The manna which came down unto Israel was sixty cubits high.” R’ Tarfon said to him: “Modite! How long will you rake words together to bring them up against us?” --He answered: “My master! I am expounding a Scriptural verse.”
Beitza 24a[13]:
3)      R’ Yosef said in the name of R’ Yehuda in the name of Shmuel: “The halacha is as Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel”. Abbaye said to him: “The halacha is [etc.], from which it would follow that they [the Sages] dispute it!” –He said to him: “What practical difference does it make to you?” –He replied to him: “It should be for you as a song” [Rashi: “This is a parable of fools […] ‘Study!’ the student says to the fool: learn both truth and mistakes, and it will be for you as a song!”].
A famous responsum of the Chavos Yair, R’ Yair Chaim Bachrach, discusses the harsh language sometimes used by one Amora against another[14]. This tshuva was made famous by the Chafetz Chaim, who printed it at the beginning of his Chafetz Chaim.[15]The Chavos Yair is at great pains to show how each “insult” is in fact a subtle compliment. For example, he says that when R’ Sheshes says, as he often does, on a saying of Rav, “I say, Rav said this statement when he was sleeping,” that this is fact a display of R’ Sheshes’ great respect for Rav that he never could haved erred so easily. A more difficult kind of attack to explain is the “ad hominem” attack, where one Amora attacks another Amora personally.
Interestingly, some want to say that these kinds of attacks are much more frequent in the Bavli than in the Yerushalmi. In a Hebrew article by Yisrael Ben-Shalom, “ואקח לי שני מקלות לאחד קראתי נעם ולאחד קראתי חבלים[16], the author shows many instances of negative criticism by Chachamim in the Bavli that don’t appear in their parallels in the Yerushalmi. Recently, R’ Achikam Kashet has drawn up a long list of 82 basic differences between the Bavli and the Yerushalmi in his very impressive אמרי במערבא (n.p. 2010). This difference is number 53 (page 889)[17].
Later, the Ra’avad was one of the more harsh attackers. When he disagreed, he did so in very strong terms. In general, he was most harsh in his hassagos on the Razah. The following is one of the harsher attacks[18]
הנה שם השם שקר בפיו וזאת עדות על כל שקריו ופחיזותיו אשר אסף רוח בחנפיו להנבא שקרים ולהתעות הפתיים והסכלים בעדיי אחרים אשר נתעטר בהם ספרי הסירוס אשר חיבר.
Closer to our own time, R’ Yitzchak Isaac Halevy, author of Dorot Harishonim, is famous for his harsh language he used against people he disagreed with. While in his magnum opus, Dorot Harishonim, this language is generally used against maskilim and non-Jews, his harshness was not limited to them. R’ Halevy’s biographer notes[19]:
While Halevy had his reasons which led him almost singlehandedly into battle against the foremost historians, he, in turn, became the target of a formidable list of critics [...] Undoubtedly, Halevy’s sharp pen was an added factor that irked many to retaliate in kind. Halevy’s inordinate style of writing might have been a carryover from a number of classic rabbinical works […] Thus Halevy’s correspondence relating to his own followers at times was penned in a tone which was similar to that reserved for the targets of his ire in the Dorot Harishonim.
After discussing many sources in Chazal of negativity, Efrayim Elimelech Urbach writes that although in the Beis Medrash the Chachamim could be very harsh with each other, in the “real world” a big stress was put on talmidei chachamim looking out for each other, and on the respect that a talmid chacham deserves.[20]It seems clear that although internally there were strong disagreements, towards the outside, there was strong cohesiveness, and the less disagreement and strife exhibited in public, the better[21]. In other words, what goes on the Beis Midrash, stays in the Beis Midrash! In our own time, one of the controversial passages in R’ Natan Kamenetski’s Making of A Godol was the story of R’ Aharon Kotler calling a red-headed student who interrupted his shiur with a question “parah adumah.” Marc Shapiro, in one of his recent posts (paragraph 3), makes the same point: that certain off the cuff remarks were never meant to be publicized.
To end off on a not-so-Purim-like note, I’d like to note a word of caution. In our own time, where recording devices are ubiquitous, talmidei chachamim must be far more careful about what they say and how they say it. Even if a talmid chacham says something in a setting where it is perfectly acceptable, such as in a “Beis Medrash”-like setting, with a recorder the statement can easily be spread outside these “walls.” We have reached a point where עין רואה ואזן שומעת, וכל מעשיך בספר נכתבין (Avos 2:1) is not just true in Shamayim, but on Earth also.






[1] In a previous post on the Seforim Blog, Eliezer Brodt discussed some parodies from Medieval times and on. Another previous post discussed some modern Purim parodies. Some of my favorite modern parodies are those by Moshe Koppel, a Professor of Computer Science in Bar-Ilan University, who has contributed to the Seforim Blog. Professor Kopple has produced a number of parodies of “pashkevillim.” (“Pashkevillim”—“broadsides” in English—are large notices stuck on walls in Chareidi neighborhoods, especially in Meah Shearim. They are often polemical, and written in a flowery Hebrew.) A sampling of these parodies, as well as an interview with Koppel, can be seen here. A parody of his about fundamentalist anti-science is a favorite of R’ Natan Slifkin.
[2] See the bibliography in Eli Yassif, The Hebrew Folktale, Bloomington 1999,  pg. 500 n. 96; see also the bibliography of the Encyclopedia Judaica article in the next footnote.
[3] Volume 9, pg. 590-599. It first appeared in the 1986-1987 Yearbook, one of the many yearbooks that were published as a supplement to the first edition of Encyclopedia Judaica.  I remember reading that the reason that there wasn’t an entry on “Humor” in the first edition of the Encyclopedia is because the editors couldn’t find someone someone qualified to write it. I could not find the source for this recently.
[4]ח"נ ביאליק, דברים שבעל פה, ספר ראשון, דביר, תל אביב תרצ"ה, עמ' קמד. This quote and the next are taken from Lifshitz, Humor (see next footnote), pg. 11.
[5]דוד ליפשיץ, איפיונו ותיפקודו של ההומור בתלמוד, חיבור לשם קבלת התואר דוקטור לפילוסופיה, רמת גן תשנ"ה. I have not read enough of the doctorate to get a feel for how good of a job he did. One major lack in this work is an index, especially since such a large amount of texts from the Talmud are quoted.  It is often difficult to find where a source is discussed.
[6]אפרים דוידזון, שחוק פינו, חולון תשל"ב. The layout is very similar to that of Bialik’s “Sefer Ha’agadah,” which Davidson was clearly influenced by. Many translations of passages from Aramaic to Hebrew are taken from Sefer Ha’agadah (with ascription).
[7] See, for example, בנימין יוסף פארקאש, עת לשחוק, הוסיאטין תרע"ד.
[8] These sources in the Gemara are brought by Lifshitz, Humor, pg. 158-183. See also a wide variety of sources in this vein which are brought and discussed by E.E Urbach in his Sages (Hebrew ed.), pg. 557- 564.
[9] R’ Yitzchak Blau, at the beginning of a lecture entitled “Does the Talmud have a Sense of Humor?” (available on YU Torah) only mentions the following categories “play on words”; “slapstick”; “sharp lines”. He does not mention critical humor, even though it is fairly common in the Gemara, for obvious reasons. As an aside most of the lecture is not about the Talmud and humor, but how someone should spend his free time. R’ Blau’s opinion on the matter has caused some controversy, see Hirhurim blog hereand here.
[10] The Soncino translation is now available in the public domain, see Torah Musings blog here.
[11] Lifshitz, Humor, pg. 160.
[12] Lifshitz, Humor, pg. 165
[13] Lifshitz, Humor, pg. 172.
[14] Siman 152.
[15] In later editionsof Chafetz Chaim, this addition is generally printed at the end.
[16] In דור לדור: משלהי תקופת המקרא ועד חתימית התלמוד, ירושלים תשנ"ה, עמ' 235-250.
[17] R’ Kashet made a similar list of basic characteristics (in Hebrew “לשיטתם”), this time with specific Tannaim and Amoraim, in his earlier, just as impressive, קובץ יסודות וחקירות (Yerushalayim 2004). The issue of “Leshitasam” is a fascinating topic in its own right. Research into this topic only began in the mid-eighteenth century, especially with the publishing of R’ D.Z. Hoffman’s (German) Mar Samuel. This sefer/book caused a small storm in its time.
[18] Quoted by Twersky, Rabad of Posquierres, Cambridge 1962, pg. 121 n. 24. See Twersky there for more such examples. For a list of hassagos of this sort in the Ra’avad’s hassagos on Mishneh Torah, see Davidson, Moses Maimonides: The Man and His Works, Oxford 2005, in the chapter on Mishneh Torah.
[19] R’ Asher Reichel, Isaac Halevy, New York 1969, pg. 64-65.
[20] Pg. 564 (idem, footnote 10).
[21] The Gemara itself seems to say so explicitly. See the story in Sanhedrin 31a, where the Gemara first brings a halacha regarding a member of a beis din that has just paskened:
תנו רבנן מניין לכשיצא לא יאמר הריני מזכה וחבירי מחייבין אבל מה אעשה שחבירי רבו עלי תלמוד לומר (ויקרא יט, טז) לא תלך רכיל בעמך ואומר (משלי יא, יג) הולך רכיל מגלה סוד
The Gemara then goes on to bring the following story:
ההוא תלמידא דנפיק עליה קלא דגלי מילתא דאיתמר בי מדרשא בתר עשרין ותרתין שנין אפקיה רב אמי מבי מדרשא אמר דין גלי רזיא:
It is not clear what the nature of the “secret” thing that had happened in the beis medrash was. Rashi simply says that the talmid spoke lashon hara. It is possible that in the heated discussion in the beis medrash, someone had made an off the cuff remark that was not meant to be heard outside the walls of the beis medrash. When the talmid revealed what was said 22(!) years later, he was expelled from the beis medrash for his impropriety. Alternatively, it is possible that he had revealed some internal disagreement about a halacha that the Chachamim wanted to appear unanimous, similar to the case of the psak of a beis din brought before. Either way, the story proves our point. 

New seforim, books and some random comments

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 New seforim, books and some random comments
[Updated]
By: Eliezer Brodt

Here is a list of some new seforim and books printed in the past few months.  

1.      מערכת האלקות כולל פירוש מנחת יהודה להר' יהודה חייט ופ' פ"ז השלם [על פי כת"י], 301 עמודים, + מפתחות ועוד 25 עמודים
2.      רבנו שמעיה השושני, [מגדולי דורו של רש"י], סוד מעשה המשכן עם מ"מ והערות ע"י ר' גור אריה הרציג, 20 עמודים
3.      ספר הכוונת [ישן] להר' חיים ויטל עם הגהות הרמ"ז, תרסו עמודים
4.      אגרת הגר"א השלם, עלים לתרופה, עם מקורות ליקוטי הגר"א ביאורים והערות, כתבי יד, כולל שיעורים של רבי מיכל ליפקוביץ ורבי אהרן ליב שטינמן על הספר.

I am enjoying this edition so far and think it is full of very useful information. It has a few parts including an in-depth running commentary of the entire work and a collection of material from other places where the Gaon writes similar ideas. It also includes a photocopy of one of the earlier manuscripts of the work. Just to point out some minor issues with the sefer. It does not say who put it out, I am not sure the point in this modesty it's well known what the Chida writes about such a practice. In the beginning of the work where he talks about the various editions of the sefer a reference should have been made to Yeshayahu Vinograd's Otzar Sifrei Hagrawhere he lists over hundred editions of the letter of the Gra.

Of interest to bibliographers on the subject is what R' Moshe Sternbuch writes:
ובמשפחתו יש דעה גם שכתבו באידיש ותורגם
He has a few pages about the Gra's trip to Eretz Yisroel and why he did not end up going. I do not expect him to quote the discussion of Aryeh Morgenstern in his various works such as in The Goan of Vilna and his Messianic Vision. However I would have thought he would quote some of the sources found in Eliach's Hagaon.

The 'author' writes (p. 205):

והנה מפורסם דהגר"א לא לקח יותר מכדי פרנסתו ופרנסת אנשי ביתו, ואדרבה אפילו לבני ביתו  לא היה כל צרכם...
כידוע חי הגר"א בדחקות עצומה... (שם, עמ' קכז)

I am not sure where he gets this from but Shaul Stampfer in his work Families, Rabbis and Education (pp. 327-328) and more recently Eliyah Stern in his work The Genius (pp. 30-31) based on manuscripts printed by Yisroel Klausner and other sources prove that this is not true at all.

Stamfer writes: "The Gaon certainly did not live in poverty… the Gaon did not have the highest income of the individuals on the Vilna community payroll. However his income was near the top and it was several times the salary of minor communal functionaries…"

Another interesting discussion of his is about how the Gra writes about dealing with children:

ועל הקללה ושבועה וכזב תכי אותם במכות אכזריות... (עמ' קח)
שתכי את בנינו מכות אכזריות (עמ' רכב)

 The last two words are only found in some versions of the manuscripts. The Author collects some sources on this subject of hitting children and even points to the Gra elsewhere which appears to contradict this. In an appendix he quotes at length the opinion of Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky pro such methods. I think he should have included many more sources on such an important topic [I hope to return to this in the future] especially what R' Wolbe writes in his letters (Igrot Ukesavim, p. 121) against such methods. Another important source he should have quoted is from the Menucha Ukedusha(from a talmid of R' Chaim Volzhiner, which he quotes elsewhere) who writes that one should certainly not hit children after the age of thirteen (p.136). See here.

One last point related to this edition where the Gra writes about learning tanach
ושילמדו מקדם כל החומש שיהיו רגילים כמעט בעל פה...
The author brings a Teshuvah from R' Wosner which I do not think is like the Gra at all. The author has an appendix about this, much can be added to this but here to he should have quoted the previously quoted work Menucha Ukedusha.

5.      ר' חיים פאלאג'י, כף החיים, תשמח עמודים, מכון שובי נפשי כולל הערות
6.      ר' חיים פאלאג'י, תנא דבי אליהו עם פירוש לוח ארז, מכון שובי נפש, תתכו עמודים
7.      מכילתא עם פירוש ברכת הנצי"ב [פורמט קטן], שמא עמודים + פירוש ברכת הנצי"ב על תורת כהנים, מ' עמודים
8.      דרשות וחידושי רבי אליהו גוטמאכר מגריידיץ על התורה, שמות, שסד עמודים
9.      ר' חיים סופר, קול סופר, על משניות ג' חלקים
10.ר' יוסף צבי הכהן, קב ונקי על הלכות תפילין, נדפס לראשונה בברדיטשוב תרנ"ח, 20 עמודים
11.ר' חיים הירשנזון, מלכי בקודש, חלק שני, בעריכת דוד זוהר, מכון שכטר,
12.ר' אריה לוין, משנת אריה, על משניות נזיקין, ב' חלקים  [כולל מסכת אבות]
13.גנזים ושו"ת חזון איש, חלק שלישי, שפז עמודים
14.ר' חיים פרידלנדר, שפתי חיים, רינת חיים, ביאורי תפילה: ברכות השחר, פסוקי דזמרא, קראית שמע ועוד, שצו עמודים
15.ר' אהרן פעלדער, רשומי אהרן, כולל פסקי הלכה מו"ר הרב משה פיינשטיין זצ"ל, מה עמודים+ שאילת אהרן ח"ג, לב עמודים ועוד
16.תשובות הרב קאפח, נערך ע"י ר' שלום נגר, חלק א תשל"ד-תשלו, תסז עמודים
17.תאות דוד בענין כתיבת סת"ם, על הספר הזכרונות לר' שמואל אבוהב אם ק' אמירה נעימה, רמ עמודים
18.ר' אליהו זייני, בין השמשות דר"ת, וזמן הדלת נרות חנוכה, 110 עמודים
19.ר' דוד דבליצקי, ברכות לראש צדיק, כל עניני כוס של ברכה, נט עמודים
20.ר' יהושע ברוננער, קונטרס איש על העדה, הליכות והנהגות של רבינו הגרי"ש אלישיב זצוק"ל, נח עמודים
21.ר' יהודה שושנה, קונטרס נהג בחכמה, הלכות ומנהגי בית הכנסת הנוהגים בישיבת בית מדרש גבוה לייקוואוד במעגל השנה, כולל הלכות נחוצות לסדר התפלה וקריאת התורה, מנהגי הישבות, מקורות המנהגים, ק' עמודים
22.ר' שמואל אוסטערליץ, ילקוט חלוקא דרבנן עניני לבוש במשנת רבוה"ק מסקווירא, עם ליקוטים יקרים מפי ספרים וספרים, קכב עמודים
23.אגן הסהר, על רבי אברהם גנחובסקי זצ"ל, 247 עמודים
24.יום אידם ניטל, ילקוט מקורות אמרות ועובדות, ריב עמודים
25.בדחנא דמלכא, מתולדותיהם ונועם שיחתם של משמחי הצדיקים, רנא עמודים
26.ר' דוד קאהן, האמונה הנאמנה, על יג עקרים של הרמב"ם, 308 עמודים, ארטסקרל
27.ר' דוד קאהן, השקפה הנכונה, הערות והארות על הקדמת הרמב"ם לפירוש המשניות, 168 עמודים, ארטסקרל
28.ר' דוד קאהן, ממשה עד משה, הערות על יד שרשים של הרמב"ם לספר המצוות והשגות הרמב"ן, 372 עמודים, ארטסקרל
29.ר' קלמן קרון, הרחק מעליה דרכך, על האיסור החמור של קריאת ספרי מינות ואפיקורסות וחובת ההתרחקות מהם, [ארבעה שערים], רסא עמודים
30.ר' אברהם מנדלבוים, דרשות לבר מצוה, מאות דרשות שנשאו גדלי ישראל לכבוד יום הבר מצוה, ב' חלקים
31.קובץ מוריה שבט, ראה שם, מאמר מיוחד מידידי ר' יעקב ישראל סטל, 'הוראות והנהגות לרבינו יהודה החסיד' ונספח: מנהג השלכת עפר ותלישת עשבים בבית הקברות'.

A PDF of this article is available upon request.

32.קובץ אור ישראל, גליון סו, שפד עמודים
33.קונטרס כי רחק ממני מנחם, על ר' בנימין מנחם פלס, קלג עמודים
34.ר' ישראל מורגנשטרן, מכירים אלקטרוניים בשבת, קכח עמודים
35.ר' מרדכי טנדלר, מסורת משה, הוראות והנהגות שנשמעו מאת רבן של כל בני הגולה ופוסק הדור הגאון האדיר רבי משה פיינשטיין זצוק"ל, תרכא עמודים.

Of course there is much to say about such a sefer as it's full of hundreds upon hundreds of pesakim. It appears to be the first of a few volumes. The haskamah of R' Dovid Cohen is nice where he writes

ספר זה נדיר הוא ככמעט מיוחד במינו, אע"פ שמצינו יומן מהגאון האדר"ת זצ"ל, וגם אוטו-ביגרפיה (שיש מערערים אם הו מזויף מתוכו) של הגאון רב יעקב עמדין זצ"ל במסורת משה נמצאים חידושים נפלאים להלכה וגם מצר מתוכו כו"כ השקפות של מרן זצ"ל... ומודה להם על התענוג הרוחני שהרגשתי שקשה לתאר הטעם להזולת ורק יכולים לומר לו טעם וראה...

Just to point out a few things of interest: he has a lengthy piece where Rav Moshe said a certain piece in the Ramban's work on chumash has additions not from him, that are kefirah [Korach, 17:6] (pp. 522-523), another piece of Rav Moshe about the manuscript of R' Yehudah Hachassid Al Hatorah (p. 552), that R' Reuven Margolis came to hear Rav Moshe Say a shiur in Yerushlayim (p. 501). Anyone reading this work is sure to find many more things of great interest.
ספרים על פורים
36.ר' יוסף ניזר, פורים סראגוסא, בהלכה ואגדה, 77 עמודים

This work is well done and collects a nice amount of material on Purim of Saragossa. Just to add two important sources on this subject not quoted in this work, most likely because they do not know English, Elliot Horowitz, Reckless Rites, pp. 279-286 and Yosef Yerushalmi, Zakhor, pp. 46-48.
37.ר' רחמים טוויג, המאיר לארץ, חקירות ומערכות בעניני מחיית עמלק, תסג עמודים

38.ר' יהודה זולדן, מגילה במוקפות חומה, מקרא מגילה בערים מוקופות חמה מימות יהושע בן נון, 470 עמודים [יסוד של הספר הוא עבודה לשם קבלת תואר שלישי מהמחלקה לתלמוד באוניברסיטת בר אילן]
39.ר' עמרם טיגרמן, מחייב איניש לבסומי בפוריא, ליקוט ובירור דעת הפוסקים בדין זה, ובענין חמר מדינה בזמנינו ומיץ ענבים לארבע כוסות,שיא עמודים
40.ר' יוסף יונה, ספר מיני מעדנים, בירורי הלכה במצות משלוח מנות, קעה עמודים
מחקר ועוד
1.      שלום יהלום, בין גירודנה לנרבונה, אבני בנייין ליצירת הרמב"ן, יצחק בן צבי, 414 עמודים [מצוין]
2.      משנת ארץ ישראל, שמואל וזאב ספראי, מסכת כתובות, ב' חלקים, 677 עמודים
3.      חיים גרטנר, הרב והעיר הגדולה, הרבנות בגליציה ומפגשה עם המודרנה 1815-1867, מרכז זלמן שזר, 448 עמודים [ספר מצוין]
4.      בד"ד 27 הוצאת בר אילן
5.      רון קליינמן, דרכי קנין ומנהגי מסחר במשפט העברי, הוצאת בר אילן
6.      יהושע פישל שניאורסון, חיים גראביצר סיפרו של נופל, ידעות ספרים 583 עמודים

After being out of print for years this classic is back in print.

7.      קתרסיס, גילון 18 כולל מאמר ביקורות של ר' שלמה זלמן הבלין על בנימין בראון 'החזון איש' [61 עמודים!]

A PDF of this article is available upon request.

English

The Challenge of Received Tradition: Dilemmas of Interpretation in Radak’s Biblical Commentaries, by Naomi Grunhaus, Oxford University Press, 2012.
Dialogue, volume 3
Rabbi Chaim Rapoport, The Afterlife of Scholarship, A critical review of The Life and Afterlife of Menachem Mendel Schneerson Samuel Heilman and Menachem Friedman

Two New Seforim for sale

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Two New Seforim for sale
1
By: Eliezer Brodt

It is with great pleasure that I announce two seforim I have just printed:

כוסו של אליהו הנביא, נפתולי מנהג בהתרקמותו, ר' יהודה אבידע זצ"ל, נדפס לראשונה בירושלים תשי"ח, ועתה יצא לאור במהדורת צילום עם הוספות שונות ומפתח ותיקונים שנמצאו בגנזי המחבר ע"י אליעזר יהודה בראדט, כריכה רכה, 84 עמודים.

קונדיטון,מזיגה ראשונה, ר' יחיאל גולדהבר, לשאלת חרם על ספרד\ משפטיך תהום רבה אסון: הטיטאניק מנקודת מבטו של העולם היהודי, כריכה קשה, 204 עמודים.

Twelve years ago I began researching the sources behind the minhag of pouring Kos Shel Eliyahuat the Pesach seder. Some of my research was published last year in an article in Ami Magazine, and a more expanded version is due out soon. Immediately after I began looking into this subject, I came across a beautifully written work, based on a wealth of sources, by R. Yehudah Avidah (Zlotnik), entitled Koso Shel Eliyahudealing with the development of this minhag. Over the years I have read this treasure many times, each time with renewed enjoyment.

A few weeks ago, while I was hunting down a rare source that R. Avidah quotes in The Bar-Ilan University Library, I saw R. Avidah's personal copy of Koso Shel Eliyahu, along with from notes the author, listed in the Library's Catalog. I immediately requested the volume from the rare books stacks, and upon perusal was both surprised and then delighted to find a small packet of typed and handwritten pages of addenda and corrigenda penned by the author and folded neatly into the back of the sefer, along with a newspaper clipping of an article that he had written regarding the sefer. After reading through the newspaper article I saw that R' Avidah had intended to reprint his work with these additions but had unfortunately passed away before he had the opportunity to do so. It was then and there that I decided to reprint this valuable and rare work together with all of the author's additions.

As the new-found material in currently in Bar-Ilan's possession, I presently requested, and graciously received permission from the administration to publish the notes. My next step was to track down one of R. Avidah's family members to obtain permission to reprint the actual work. After searching tediously, I located a grandson of his, who graciously allowed me to reprint the original work. Additionally, I included some pages from another of R' Avidah's works, related to this subject.

It seemed Divine Providence was actively at work. Upon hearing of my intent to reprint R' Avidah's sefer, a very close friend directed me to a copy of Koso Shel Eliyahubelonging to the renowned folklorist, Ephraim Davidson, and I was able to print his marginal notes in this current edition. Further, R' Shmuel Ashkenazi had written two letters to his good friend R' Avidah regarding this sefer. I received permission from him to print this as well. [These letters are part of a three volume set of Igrot Shmuelwhich is ready to go to print but wait funding]. I personally composed a partial bio-bibliography of R' Avidah as an introduction, detailing the author's life was and listing some of his many books and other publications. Finally, to complete the current edition, I included some notes and an index to the work. I highly recommend this work to anyone interested in understanding the development of the Minhag.

Another work which I just printed is called Kunditon. My good friend Rabbi Yechiel Goldhaber has a custom to send out from time to time an e-mail which includes an article of some interesting topic; sometimes the article is divided into a few parts. A few years ago he began issuing a series of articles dealing with the subject of the Ban on dwelling in or visiting Spain. In this series he researched an astonishing amassment of sources, some of which are still in manuscript form, others unheard of or extremely rare. His goal was to prove whether or not such a ban ever even existed, and if so, what were the exact circumstances behind the ban, and its extent and parameters.

Eventually he collated the material, and published it in small paperback edition, which sold out almost immediately. Over time, he found more material on the subject and decided to reprint the work with all these additions, as well an appendix discussing the repatriation and rebuilding of Jewish Communities in Spain.

Another subject he set out to research was the tragedy of the Titanic from a Jewish perspective. Much has been written on the Titanic but veritably nothing has been done in this field, namely the episode for itself as seen from a Jewish angle. After months of research in archives of various sorts, he decided to present out some of his material in the aforementioned e-mails. It was then decided to print this collection in this volume as well, augmented with much additional material.

Among the subjects he deals with are Agunah questions, stories of Jews who were supposed to be on the ship and were not, and Jews that were on the ship and their tragic fate. He has a section on the dirges composed to deal with this tragedy. Finally, one large section deals with the halachic question of who is supposed to be saved first, men or women. I highly recommend this work for anyone interested in reading all about the Jewish aspects of the tragic story of the Titanic.

Copies of the Koso Shel Eliyahuare $14 each. The price includes air mail (England, USA, Canada).

Copies of the Kunditon are $25 each. The price includes air mail (England, USA, Canada).
If you buy both its $35, including air mail (England, USA, Canada).

Payment is via Pay pal.

For more information or a table of contents of either work e-mail me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com

Copies of both works are also available at Biegeleisen in NY and at Girsa in Jerusalem.

1 Special thanks to my good friend Rabbi Dubovick for editing this piece.

Torah mi-Sinai and More

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Torah mi-Sinai and More
by Marc B. Shapiro

1. Some people have requested that I do more posts on theological matters, as I have done in the past. So let me begin with what I think will be a three-part series on Torah mi-Sinai.
In a previous post, available hereI mentioned R. Shlomo Fisher’s rejection of R. Moshe Feinstein’s view that R. Yehudah he-Hasid’s “biblical criticism” was not authentic. As R. Fisher put it, R. Moshe assumed that even in the past everyone had to accept Maimonides' principles, but that was not the case, and when it came to Mosaic authorship R. Yehudah he-Hasid disagreed with Maimonides. R. Uri Sharki has apparently also discussed this with R. Fisher, as he cites the latter as claiming that the issue of whether post-Mosaic additions are religiously objectionable is a dispute between the medieval Ashkenazic and Sephardic sages. See here. 
What this means is that in medieval Ashkenaz it was not regarded as heretical to posit post-Mosaic additions, while the opposite was the case in the Sephardic world (and this would explain why Ibn Ezra could only hint to his view). I am skeptical of this point, particularly because Ibn Ezra’s secrets are, in fact, explained openly by people who lived in the Sephardic world.[1] Yet Haym Soloveitchik has also recently made same point, and pointed to differences between Jews living in the Christian and Muslim worlds. His argument is that since medieval Ashkenazic Jews were not confronted with a theological challenge of the sort Jews dealt with in the Islamic world, where Jews were accused of altering the text of the Pentateuch, there was no assumption in medieval Europe that belief in what we know as Maimonides’ Eighth Principle was a binding doctrine of faith.
Here is some of what Soloveitchik wrote (the emphasis does not appear in the original):
One tanna had stated, simply and with no ado, that the last eight verses were of Divine origin but not of Mosaic authorship, and R. Yehudah he-Hasid added that there were several more verses that were not penned by Moses. Was such a position seen as being thoroughly mistaken? Most probably. Was it viewed as odd and non-conformist? Undoubtedly; though hardly more eccentric than R. Yehudah’s view that King David, to flesh out his book of Psalms, lifted from the text of the “original” Pentateuch many anonymous “psalms” that Moses had penned! Were these strange and misguided views, however, perceived as being in any way heretical or even dangerous? At that time and place, certainly not. They contained no concession to the surrounding culture, opened no Pandora’s Box of questions. Indeed, one can take the religious temperature of R. Yehudah he-Hasid’s explanation by the matter of fact way European medieval commentators (rishonim) treated the passages in Menahot and Bava Batra where the tannaitic dictum of Joshua’s authorship is brought.[2] In their world, these words did not abut any slippery slope of a “documentary hypothesis” or of “Jewish forgery”. No need, therefore, to reinterpret this passage or to forfend any untoward implications. What concerned R. Yehudah he-Hasid’s contemporaries, the Tosafists, in this statement were its practical halakhic implications for the Sabbath Torah readings, not its theological or dogmatic ones, for to them, as to R. Yehudah, there were none.[3]

Sharki, who is a leading kiruv figure in the Religious Zionist world, adds something quite amazing. From the standpoint of Ibn Ezra and R. Yehudah he-Hasid, which he sees as an acceptable approach, he writes that what is important is the belief that the Torah is true and from God.
 עיקר האמונה הוא להאמין שכל דברי התורה אמת ושהם מפי ה'
In other words, Mosaic authorship is not something people need to put such a focus on.
Sharki goes even further, stating that according to the Kuzari, post-Mosaic prophets could add to and delete material in the Torah. As support for this viewpoint, he cites an article by R. Yosef Kellner in Tzohar 22. (Kellner is a leading interpreter of R. Kook from the hardali camp.) I looked at Kellner’s article and found nothing that says this explicitly. However, I did find an interesting statement in Kellner’s article, and presumably this is what Sharki was referring to (although it still doesn’t say what Sharki claims it does):
אך לכוזרי, כמו לבה"ג, לא כל התרי"ג מצוות התגלו בסיני ההיסתורי, אם כי כולם דברי קבלה ממשה בסיני-הפנימי-נשמתי
This could be a very radical statement, depending on how it is interpreted. On the one hand, it could mean that some mitzvot in the Torah were actually established in a post-Mosaic era, but that is OK since these mitzvot arose from the spiritual wellsprings of Sinai. This is how Sharki must understand the passage. But I think it is obvious that Kellner doesn’t mean this at all, and the reference to the Halakhot Gedolot is the give-away. As is well known, the Halakhot Gedolot counts among the 613 commandments certain rabbinic laws. What the logic of this position is is not our concern at present. For our purposes what is important is that the Behag, and Kuzari, never say that  there are mitzvot in the Torah that are post-Mosaic, only that post-Mosaic mitzvot can be counted as part of the 613. There is an enormous difference between this understanding and the following, which is Sharki’s formulation:
לפי שיטת הכוזרי שגם הנביאים יכולים להוסיף או לגרוע בתורה, בניגוד לדעת הרמב"ם
David Halivni, Breaking the Tablets: Jewish Theology After the Shoah, p. 99 (called to my attention by Cemmie Green), states that according to R. Saadiah Gaon, “certain areas of the Law were originally more complete and more explicit in the Torah given by Moses to the people.” Here is the text he bases this statement on, found in Lewin’s introduction to Iggeret R. Sherira Gaon, p. X:
שבתורת משה אנו מוצאים הרבה ענינים הכתובים באריכות כמו למשל מעשה משכן, פרשת מלואים, פקודי ישראל וחנוכת המזבח. ובנגוד לזה כתובים בקצור נמרץ חוקי הזיבות, וחוקי עבור השנה נכללים רק במלת "אביב" גרידא, מה שהוא תמוה מאד אם לא נניח, שגם החוקים הללו היו כתובים באר היטיב אלא שאינם אצלינו בכתב אלא מסורים בעל פה.
It certainly does seem as if R. Saadiah is saying that some laws were removed from the Torah. Yet I also see how someone can argue that, contrary to Halivni, it does not say anything about these laws originally appearing in the Torah. It could be that he is only telling us that part of the “Oral Law” was written down in Moses’ day.
Assuming the latter explanation is what R. Saadiah means, there is good reason to assume that he was not being frank here. At a lecture at the University of Scranton, Prof. Daniel Lasker memorably stated that “all is fair in love and polemics.” If R. Saadiah issaying that part of the Oral Law was written down in Moses’ day, I believe he was twisting the truth as part of his battle with the Karaites. The Karaites were arguing that the Oral Law was not authentic, and R. Saadiah replied that not only was it authentic, but at least some of it was even written down in Moses’ day, thus precluding the sorts of errors that would arise from an oral tradition. R. Saadiah’s approach here would thus be no different than his claim that the calendar was the original way to determine the new moon, with sighting a later innovation. Already Maimonides declared that R. Saadiah did not really believe this, but found it useful to argue this way in the midst of a polemic against the Karaites.[4]
R. Yuval Sherlo was recently asked if it is acceptable to posit post-Mosaic authorship of passages of the Torah, following in the paths of R. Judah he-Hasid and Ibn Ezra.[5] Rather than reject the latter viewpoint, he claims that it is important to stress the ikkar ha-ikkarim, namely, that the authority of the Torah does not depend on who wrote it. What is crucial is that it was given by God. Even if there are verses that were written by someone else other than Moses, as was held by R. Judah he-Hasid and Ibn Ezra, this is not heresy, unless one assumes that these portions were not written through Divine Inspiration. Sherlo himself acknowledges that there is a good deal of evidence apparently pointing to the fact that some verses are post-Mosaic.
ישנם סימנים רבים בתורה שלכאורה מעידים על כך שחלק מפסוקי התורה נכתבו לאחר משה רבינו
 He concludes:
על כן, בשעה שמאמינים במוצא העליון המוחלט של כל פסוקי התורה אין איסור להרחיב את מה שאמרו חכמינו על הפסוקים האחרונים בתורה לעוד מקומות בתורה, בשל העיקרון הבסיסי הקיים בדברים אלה – התורה היא מוצא "פיו" המוחלט של ריבונו של עולם.
Needless to say, this is in direct contradiction to Maimonides’ Eighth Principle, and is an opening for Higher Biblical Criticism to enter the Orthodox world. For those who don’t read Hebrew, what Sherlo is saying is that Mosaic authorship does not matter, as long as one accepts that the Torah is divine. This is a huge theological step (a “game changer”), which for those who accept it entirely alters the playing field. This is such a break with the standard Orthodox view that I don’t know why Sherlo’s position has not received any publicity. Let me say it again, in case people haven’t been paying close attention: Sherlo’s argument permits Higher Criticism, as long as one asserts that the entire Torah is divinely inspired.
Sherlo is not some fringe figure. He is Rosh Yeshiva of the Hesder Yeshiva in Petah Tikva and a major personality in religious Zionism. (In the next installment of this series I will present further evidence that in some parts of the Modern Orthodox world the old taboo against Higher Criticism has begun to fade.)
Not surprisingly, Sherlo’s position was challenged by some commenters and he in turn defended what he wrote. Interestingly, one of the commenters writes about Ezra editing the Torah, and Sherlo does not reject this. Instead, he asserts that whoever arranged the Torah did it with prophecy that was the equal of Moses’ prophecy.
מי שסידר את התורה אף הוא עשה זאת בנבואה [!] התורה ולא בנבואה שהיא פחות מנבואת משה רבינו
In other words, Sherlo has adopted Rosenzweig’s point that “R”, instead of standing for “Redactor”, really means “Rabbenu.”[6]
When this formulation was challenged, since how could there be prophets of the level of Moses as this would contradict the Seventh Principle, Sherlo was unperturbed.
[שאלה] מה פירוש נביא שסדר את התורה עשה זאת בנבואת משה רבינו. האם היו עוד נביאים כמשה? הלא מעיקרי הדת שלא היו.
[תשובה] לפי הרמב``ם אלו עיקרי הדת. ברם, אפילו אמוראים סברו אחרת לגבי הפסוקים האחרונים בתורה
In other words, since there are amoraim who disagree with Maimonides’ Principle, it is not binding.[7]
In speaking of the Torah, Sherlo uses this provocative formulation (emphasis added):
ניסוח התורה הוא ניסוח שאנו מתייחסים אליו כולו כאילו כולו יצא מרבונו של עולם בדרגת "תורה" ולא בדרגה נמוכה ממנה.
One of the commenters asks as follows (and both of the possibilities he suggests are far from traditional):
הרב כותב כי "ניסוח התורה הוא ניסוח שאנו מתייחסים אליו כולו כאילו כולו יצא מריבונו של עולם". האם זהו רק יחס שלנו, והיינו שיש לכתוב סמכות של תורה, או שבאמת אלוקים דיבר וסיעתו של עזרא כתבה?
Sherlo replies that he simply does not know, and that we don’t know what the Torah looked like in the years after it was given (until the days when the Torah she-ba’al peh was written down, and quotations of the Torah are found there). In other words, it might be significantly different than the Torah we have today:
אנחנו לא יודעים. יש חור שחור בתולדות מסירת התורה, כי אין לנו בדיוק מושג מה היה באלף השנים שבין מתן תורה לבין כתיבת התורה שבעל פה. לכן התנסחתי בנוסח זה.
In a previous post I already called attention to a comment by the great R. Solomon David Sassoon, who wrote as follows (Natan Hokhmah li-Shelomo, p. 106 [emphasis in original; I learnt of this passage from  R. Moshe Shamah]):


אבל אם יאמר פסוקים אלה נביא אחר כתב אותם מפי הגבורה ומודה שקטע זה הוא מן השמים ומפי הגבורה, אדם שאומר כך אינו נקרא אפיקורוס, מה שהגדיר אותו כאפיקורוס אינו זה שאמר שלא משה כתב את הקטע אלא בזה שהוא אומר שדבר שזה מדעתו ומפי עצמו אמרו ושאין זה מן השמים

This too can provide a religious justification for Biblical Criticism.


Let me make one more comment relating to Biblical Criticism. (There is, of course, more to say, but this can wait until the next installment.) Those who have read my posts know that I find it very interesting when Orthodox figures attack a position as foolish or heretical not knowing that this very position was stated by a great sage. If one was dealing with a detached academic, obviously heresy wouldn’t be a concern. And as for regarding a position as foolish, even if it is pointed out to the detached academic that, for example, Aristotle held this view, he would not retract from his statement that the position he criticized was foolish. It would just be an example where the great Aristotle adopted a foolish position. But in the Torah world, this sort of attitude is improper, so people are in a bind when they learn that the position they thought was foolish was actually held by a great sage.[8] In many cases I assume the people cannot change the way they think. They still think the position is foolish, but they can’t say this publicly anymore. Let me given an example of this relating to Biblical Criticism.



As is well-known, one of the arguments of early Biblical Criticism was that the “Book of the Law”, found by Hilkiah and given to Josiah (see 2 Kings 22 and 2 Chronicles 34), was actually the book of Deuteronomy, which the Critics assume to be the latest of the books of the Pentateuch.[9] They regard it as a pseudepigraphical document, attributed to Moses. In other words, it was a pious fraud created to provide the basis for Josiah’s reform. Readers can correct me if I’m wrong, but I don’t think that this theory has many advocates in recent scholarship. In any event, what concerns me here is that when rabbis and polemicists argue against Biblical Criticism, they often tear part the claim that Deuteronomy is the subject of the Josiah story. One can find lectures online where the speaker will mention this notion, and then reject it with great contempt. The attitude expressed is that anyone with any understanding of the Torah, or even of simple peshat of the relevant verses, would realize that Josiah story must be dealing with a complete Torah, not one book of the Pentateuch. Some go so far as to make it seem that only an idiot could conclude that Josiah is dealing with the book of Deuteronomy. For a traditionalist, this would appear to make perfect sense, since who ever heard of dividing the Torah into separate scrolls?[10]         
Yet if the people arguing so strongly against the Josiah-Deuteronomy connection would look at the version of the story in 2 Chron. 34, they would find something that would shock them. While verses 14 and 15 speak of finding ספר תורת ה' ביד משה  and ספר התורה, the commentary attributed to Rashi understands this to mean משנה תורה, i.e., the book of Deuteronomy! In other words, the position of the Bible Critics as to which book was “found”,[11] and the position attacked so mercilessly by the opponents of the Biblical Critics, is in fact held by a rishon! I am not saying that this rishon is a proto-Biblical Critic, or that he denies the Mosaic authorship of Deuteronomy. But he does say that the book found, and which was read to Josiah and so affected him, was not the Torah itself, but only the book of Deuteronomy. I grant that this is an unusual position, but now that we have seen what this rishon holds, does this mean that this viewpoint now has to be treated with more respect, as opposed to the current treatment it gets at the hands of Orthodox polemicists?[12]
This notion, that the book Hilkiah found was Deuteronomy, is also advocated by R. Elijah Benamozegh. [13] Benamozegh states that if this viewpoint is correct, it means that from early on there was a practice to write the book of Deuteronomy separately from the rest of the Pentateuch. He also cites a rabbinic view that the Torah that the king carried was only the book of Deuteronomy.[14] Based upon this, he explains why the book found was brought to the king, since it was precisely this book that the king was obligated to write and carry with himself. Benamozegh concludes:
סוף דבר קרוב ונראה שהיו מעתיקים ס' מ"ת בפע כמו שנוכיח להבא בע"ה כי ספר תורת משה נכתבה בימי קדם חלקים ונתחים כל א' בפ"ע, ובראש כל אתוון מה שהעידו רבותינו באומרם: תורה מגלה מגלה נתנה
2. Since in the previous section I referred to Ibn Ezra’s view on post-Mosaic additions to the Torah, let me say a little bit more about this. At the beginning of his commentary to Deuteronomy chapter 34, Ibn Ezra states that the last twelve verses of the Pentateuch were written by Joshua. The Talmud only offers this possibility concerning the last eight verses. The Kol Bo, Seder Tefillat ha-Moadot (ed. Avraham [Jerusalem, 1992), vol. 3, p. 220) writes:
ושמנה פסוקים אשר בזאת הברכה שהם מויעל משה עד ויהושע בן נון, יחיד קורא אותם.
The problem with this formulation is that there are twelve verses from ויעל משה (Deut. 34:1), not eight. I presume that instead of ויעל משה  the text should read וימת משה (Deut. 34:5), which is the eighth verse from the end and what the Talmud refers to. It is also possible that instead of stating “eight verses” it should read “twelve verses,” and the Kol Bo would then be agreeing with Ibn Ezra.[15]
In The Limits of Orthodox Theology I referred to Avat Nefesh, an anonymous medieval commentary on Ibn Ezra, as one of those who understood the latter as positing post-Mosaic additions. I had access to the Genesis portion of the commentary which appeared in William Gartig’s 1994 Hebrew Union College doctoral dissertation. A typescript of the complete commentary is now available on Otzar ha-Hokhmah, and this typescript pre-dates 1994. (In the preface to the typescript, the transcriber presents evidence that the author is R. Yedayah ha-Penini [ca. 1270-1340].)[16] In his commentary to Gen. 12:6, Avat Nefesh states that according to Ibn Ezra “many verses” in the Torah were only added after Moses’ death. He also notes that this is the focus of most of Ibn Ezra’s “secrets”.
כי כונתו שזה לא כתב משה אך נכתב אחר שנכבשה הארץ וכן דעתו בהרבה פסוקים ורוב סודותיו סובבים בזה כאשר אמר בראש אלה הדברים.
With the complete commentary we can also see what he says in Deut. 1:1. Here again he explains Ibn Ezra’s secret to be referring to post-Mosaic verses. Yet he also expresses his disagreement with Ibn Ezra and defends Mosaic authorship, although it is not clear if he is disagreeing in general or only with regard to the example he is discussing, where he explains why the expression בעבר הירדן is not an anachronism.
The principle by which Ibn Ezra determined that certain verses are post-Mosaic is if they contain what he regarded as clear anachronisms. All of the examples he gives in his commentary to Deut. 1:1 fall into this category. R. Joseph Bonfils famously argues that while Ibn Ezra acknowledged post-Mosaic additions of individual words and verses, which function as explanatory glosses, Ibn Ezra did not believe that there could be entire sections that are post-Mosaic. This is how Bonfils explains why Ibn Ezra, in his commentary to Gen. 36:31, responded so sharply to Yitzhaki’s suggestion that Gen. 36:31-39 is post-Mosaic:
וחלילה חלילה שהדבר עמו . . . וספרו ראוי להשרף
The problem with these verses is that they begin with the following: “And these are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel.” Some viewed it is an anachronism to speak of the Israelite monarchy when still in the desert. As mentioned in The Limits of Orthodox Theology, R. Judah he-Hasid, R. Avigdor Katz, and according to one Tosafist collection also Rashbam identified these verses as post-Mosaic. As far as I can tell, there is no evidence to support Bonfil’s supposition that Ibn Ezra, for dogmatic reasons, denied that there could be post-Mosaic additions of entire sections. In the case of Gen. 36:31-39, there are internal reasons why Ibn Ezra would not see it as problematic, as he explains in his commentary.
Returning to Avat Nefesh, there is something else noteworthy in the commentary. He mentions that Ibn Ezra believes that “many verses” are post-Mosaic. Although Ibn Ezra himself doesn’t supply us with that many verses, once we assume that Ibn Ezra was guided by what he viewed as anachronisms in pointing to post-Mosaic additions, there is no reason to conclude that the examples he gives in his commentary to Deut. 1:1 exhaust the list. In support of Avat Nefesh’s point, let me mention the following: Ibn Ezra lists Gen. 12:6, “And the Canaanite was then in the land,” as one of the post-Mosaic additions. Understood according to their simple sense, these words can be seen as anachronistic as the Canaanites were still in the Land of Israel in the days of Moses. In other words, the words are written from the perspective of one living in a generation when there were no longer Canaanites in the Land of Israel. If these words are post-Mosaic, then the second half of Gen. 13:7 must also be post-Mosaic, as it says, “And the Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelt then in the land.” Just as Ibn Ezra didn’t feel it was necessary to spell out his view with regard to Gen. 13:7, so too, Avat Nefesh believes, there are other similar cases.
Avat Nefesh provides an example of this in his commentary to Num. 13:24, where he writes that according to Ibn Ezra (see his commentary, ibid.) at least some of what appears in this verse was written in the days of the Judges.
ר"ל שוירדוף עד דן נכתב לפי דעתו בימי השופטים שאז נקרא שם העיר דן כשם דן אביהם, כן כוונתו בנחל אשכול שנכתב אחרי כן בשמו שקראו הקורא
3. Let us now return to R. Shlomo Fisher, with whom we began this post. Despite coming from a very haredi background, he has close ties with the religious Zionist world. You can see many of his shiurim on www.yeshiva.org.il and here is his picture.













It is because of his ties with religious Zionists that R. Shach criticized him in conversation with R. Mordechai Elefant, late Rosh Yeshiva of the ITRI yeshiva, presumably as a way of pressuring R. Elefant to fire R. Fisher.

Here is how R. Elefant told the story, in his own words:
Rav Shlomo Fisher is a member of my faculty and one of the most brilliant talmudists of this generation. He was born and raised in the heart of Meah Shearim, but he has connections with religious Zionist institutions. I once came into Rav Shach, and he started calling Rav Shlomo a kalyekker [someone not firmly devoted to the purest Torah ideals]. I was annoyed, but I didn’t say anything. This happened a second time. I said to myself then, “If this happens again, I have to do something about it.” It happened again. So I went into Rav Shlomo’s room here in the yeshiva, and I took out a letter written by the Steipler in which he calls Rav Shlomo “pe’er ha-dor” (glory of the generation). Next time I went to Rav Shach, he said again that Rav Shlomo is a kalyekker. I said, “Rav Shach, listen to me. The Steipler is also a kalyekker.” He looked at me like I was crazy, but then I showed him the letter. I never heard any more complaints about Rav Shlomo. I told this to Rav Shlomo and it didn’t mean a thing to him. The only thing he cares about is understanding the Torah.
R. Elefant continued with the following story:
Then there was a time when a member of my own staff came to me with similar objections. He wanted me to get rid of Rav Shlomo. He quotes Bialik, Nietzsche, and all sorts of other things that are generally unacceptable in yeshivot.[17] I told him, “You’re right, but I’ve got one problem. You and me, we can teach these boys here how to understand Talmud. But there’s a lot more to education than that. Who’s going to teach these kids about purity, humility, and integrity? You? Me? That’s what we need Rav Shlomo for.” The guy chuckled and agreed with me.
I have previously mentioned that R. Fisher is, to my knowledge, the only gadol be-Yisrael who is also an expert in medieval Jewish philosophy. Many are disappointed that he does not take a public profile and express his views on issues of the day. If you are part of the group that studies with him every week, then you are fortunate to hear his views (which sometimes filter out). But what about the rest of the world?
A couple more stories R. Elefant told of his relationship with R. Shach are worth repeating. The two of them were close friends for decades, from before the time when R. Shach was recognized as the leader of the Lithuanian Torah world. That is why R. Elefant was able to speak to him in a way that others would never have dared.
Once R. Elefant was in Bnei Brak to give a shiur, and he went to visit R. Shach.
I went into Rav Shach’s room. He greeted me and asked what my lecture was about. I said, “Rav Shach, let’s be frank with each other. You don’t want to know what I lectured about, and I don’t want to know what you lectured about. I came here because you want to shoot the breeze.” His laugh was worth a million bucks to me.
The other story relates to a conflict between R. Shach and R. Yehudah Zev Segal of Manchester. R. Shach was upset with R. Segal because the latter didn’t accept R. Shach’s views which were creating great conflict between the yeshiva world and the hasidim.
Rav Shach heard that I was a friend of Rabbi Segal’s, so he told me he wanted to talk with me about him next time I was in Bnei Brak. It wasn’t too long before I was there, and Rav Shach asked me what I knew about Rabbi Segal. I told him, “I’ll tell you the truth. Rav Shach, you are the most powerful man in this world. You build governments, you break governments. What you say goes. People say about you “kocho ug’vuraso molei olam.” But Rabbi Segal is different. His opinion counts over there in the other world.Rav Shach’s attendants were dumbstruck. They couldn’t believe I had the nerve to say that to his face. But I didn’t meant to insult Rav Shach and he wasn’t fazed. He asked, “Do you really mean that?” I said I did, and after that he left Rabbi Segal alone.
Here is some of what R. Elefant said about Saul Lieberman.
When Lieberman came to Israel, the Brisker Rav acted like he was his best friend. They asked him why, and he had a one-word explanation, “mishpochoh.” They were cousins.
One of the Rav’s sons, I think it was Meir, got engaged to a girl from a family called Benedikt. I was invited to the engagement party. The Brisker Rav was sitting next to Saul Lieberman. I saw it. On Lieberman’s other side was the Mir Rosh Yeshiva, Reb Leizer Yehudah Finkel. That time Lieberman was persona non grata.
Here is another story from R. Elefant.
Lieberman was good friends with Rav Hutner. They were both students of Rav Kook, and they palled around in New York back in the fifties. They both used to go to the 42nd Street Library because there were lots of seforim there. Rav Hutner had a beard as black as coal back then. He wore a short jacket. Lieberman was once standing there in the library and who should come in but his friend, Rav Hutner. Lieberman says in Yiddish, “Here comes God’s dog.” Rav Hutner retorted, “Better to be a dog of God than to be a god to dogs.” Rav Hutner told me that one himself.

4. In a recent post on his blog, R. Daniel Eidensohn refers to my comment in this post where I suggested that the lenient attitude towards pedophilia in much of right wing Orthodoxy is due to the fact that the real trauma of sexual abuse is not something that one can learn about in traditional Jewish sources but comes to us from psychology, and as such is suspect in those circles that see psychology as a “non-Jewish” discipline. Let me offer another example that illustrates how today we take sexual abuse much more seriously than in previous years. Here is a responsum no. 378 from R. Joseph Hayyim’s Torah li-Shemah.


As you can see, the sexual abuse of a child under nine years old was not regarded by him as an earth-shattering violation (certainly not at the level of violating Shabbat or eating non-kosher food). While we regard child sexual abuse as one of the worst things imaginable, it is easy to see how someone whose only exposure to these matters would have been through traditional sources would not see it as such a terrible offense, namely, an offense that would require one turn the person into the police. In another responsum, Torah li-Shemah no. 441, R. Joseph Hayyim writes as follows regarding one who has sex with a child under nine years old:
והרי זה הבועל כמי שמשחית זרעו ע"ג עצם ואבנים
In other words, he sees this as an issue of wasting seed, without any cognizance of the terrible damage done to the child.[18] Responsa like this are important in showing how, with increased knowledge, attitudes have changed. What our generation regards as the most vile behavior was often seen in a very different light in previous generations. This is the only limud zekhut for those who in past years did not take sexual abuse seriously.
R. Ysoscher Katz also called my attention to a relevant discussion on a Yiddish site. See hereOne of the matters discussed is a responsum of R. Yair Hayyim Bacharach, Havot Yair no. 108.


I think any modern person reading it will be surprised to see that there is no emotion shown, no reflection on the difficult circumstances of the girl. Everything is examined from a halakhic standpoint. But this again shows how differently we approach these sorts of matters than was the case years ago.
If sexual abuse is treated just like another sexual transgression, then the lenient approach some rabbis have adopted towards it makes sense. After all, shouldn’t a rabbi want to give a sinner the opportunity to repent? Sexual sins have always been regarded differently than kashrut or Shabbat violations. If a rebbe was seen eating a hamburger in McDonalds or driving on Shabbat he would immediately be fired, without any opportunity to repent. But more leeway is given when it comes to sexual sins, the reason being, no doubt, that everyone understands the power of the evil inclination in this area. A good illustration of my point is seen in R. Aaron Walkin, Zekan Aharon, vol. 2, no. 30.

The responsum deals with a shochet who was seen entering the home of a “loose” woman. R. Zalman Sorotzkin didn’t know what do about it and wrote to R. Walkin. R. Walkin refuses to disqualify the shochet, and tells R. Sorotzkin that even if there were two witnesses testifying to the matter it would not change his mind, since this would only turn the shochet into a mumar le-davar ehad! It is true that not all rabbis would have been as lenient as R. Walkin,[19] but the fact that this great posek ruled the way he did is quite significant.[20]

Finally, I am curious to hear what some of the lawyers reading this post have to say about the following: Some time ago, I was contacted by a man who wanted to talk to me about being an expert witness for the defense in the appeal of a sexual abuse conviction. The case is actually one of the worst we have seen. I was told that my role would only be to answer questions about sexual mores in the hasidic world, in particular, how they understand tzeniut. While I am far from an expert on this, not being from that world, the defense team wanted an academic on the stand. (Needless to say, there are academics who would also be much better choices than me.) .


Nothing came of this discussion, and I myself decided that I would have nothing to do with the case after learning the particulars, which are indeed sickening. My question is as follows: We know that defense lawyers are not personally tainted even if they represent horrible people. We recognize that this is their job. My sense is that people would not give the same leeway to an expert witness, and he would be viewed very negatively, as one who was helping to free a sexual abuser. Yet I would like to get some feedback from the lawyers. If I would have agreed to be called to the stand to answer general questions about halakhah and tzeniut, does the fact that I was part of the defense team's strategy mean that I would be "helping" the defense? It was made clear to me that my role would be to simply to answer general questions and I would have nothing to do with the defendant per se. Another way of framing the question is, would it have been immoral for me to agree to this role if, after having examined the evidence, I was convinced that the defendant committed terrible crimes and  should remain in jail?  


5. For the runoff quiz I asked the following:
A. What is the first volume of responsa published in the lifetime of its author?
B. There is a verse in the book of Exodus which has a very strange vocalization of a word, found nowhere else in Tanach. (The word itself is also spelled in an unusual fashion, found only one other time in Tanach). The purpose of this vocalization is apparently in order to make a rhyme. What am I referring to?
Some got the answer to the first question, and others got the answer to the second question. But only one person, Peretz Mochkin, got the answers to both.
The answer to the first question is the responsa volume Binyamin Ze’ev (Venice, 1539), by R. Benjamin Ze’ev of Arta.
The answer to the second question is the word אתכה in Ex. 29:35. It is spelled and vocalized the way it is in order to rhyme with the word ככה that appears earlier in the sentence.
וְעָשִׂיתָ לְאַהֲרֹן וּלְבָנָיו, כָּכָה, כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר-צִוִּיתִי, אֹתָכָה
One of the sources that refers to this text is Zev Grossman, Darkhei ha-Melitzah be-Sefer Tehillim. This is a very interesting book on aspects of grammar in Tanach. Here is the title page, with an approbation of sorts from William Chomsky. I don’t know of any other book that puts the approbation on the title page, and in this case the approbation is in English. (William Chomsky, incidentally, is the father of Noam Chomsky.)


One of the things Grossman points out in his book is that there are many examples of verses where we find words in non-grammatical forms in order that they rhyme. Here is just one example, from Psalms 5:8:
וַאֲנִי--בְּרֹב חַסְדְּךָאָבוֹא בֵיתֶךָ;    אֶשְׁתַּחֲוֶה אֶל-הֵיכַל-קָדְשְׁךָבְּיִרְאָתֶךָ
In context, the final word, ביראתך, means “in fear of you”, even though this is not grammatically correct. This form is used to make the rhyme, because if one were applying grammatical rules it would not be spelled this way.
At the end of the Hebrew section of the book, Grossman has a page listing his published books.


As you can see, he also produced a set of gedolim cards. When I was young, in the 1970s, there were gedolim cards. I know this because I collected them.[21] But I never imagined that they existed already in the early 1950s.
6. In my post of January 13, 2013, I wrote: “R. Meir Schiff (Maharam Schiff) is unique in believing that one without arms should put the tefillin shel yad on the head, together with the tefillin shel rosh. This is the upshot of his comment to Gittin 58a.” I saw this comment of Maharam Schiff many years ago, and unfortunately did not examine it carefully before adding this note. As R. Ezra Bick has correctly pointed out, Maharam Schiff is not speaking about wearing tefillin shel yad on the head to fulfill the mitzvah, but only stating that this is a respectful way to carry the tefillin shel yad if you have to remove it from your arm. This has no relevance to what I wrote about someone without arms (unless he has to carry the tefillin shel yad).


[1] In The Limits of Orthodox Theology I listed numerous rishonim and aharonim who understood Ibn Ezra’s hints to mean that there are post-Mosaic additions the Torah. I have added to this list in various blog posts, and we are now up to around thirty-five different sources. Yet until now I overlooked an important text, namely, a comment by Tosafot. See Tosafot ha-Shalem, ed. Gellis, to Gen. 12:6 (p. 14):

זהו אמרו ואם איננו כן יש לו סוד, כי כוונתו שזה לא כתבו משה אך נכתב אחר שנכבשה, וכן דעתו בהרבה פסוקים

Tosafot rejects this opinion, stating:

 ואנחנו לא ניאות בזה הדעת שכל התורה כתבה משה מפי ה' בלא חילוק ושנוי.

It is significant that Tosafot does not refer to Ibn Ezra’s interpretation as heretical. For another source that assumes that Ibn Ezra believes that there are post-Mosaic additions in the Torah, see R. Aharon Friedman, Be-Har ha-Shem Yeraeh (Kerem be-Yavneh, 2009), p. 30.
[2] I am aware of no evidence that the rishonim in the Islamic world interpreted these passages in a fundamentally different way than the Ashkenazic rishonim. As noted in The Limits of Orthodox Theology, R. Joseph Ibn Migash openly accepted the viewpoint that Joshua wrote the last eight verses of the Torah.
[3] “Two Notes on the Commentary on the Torah of R. Yehudah he-Hasid,” in Michael A. Shmidman, ed. Turim (New York, 2008), pp. 245-246. In his just published The Intellectual History and Rabbinic Culture of Medieval Ashkenaz (Detroit, 2013), p. 32, Ephraim Kanarfogel writes: “The availability of this kind of interpretational freedom and variety also allowed Hasidei Ashkenaz to be comfortable with Ibn Ezra’s stipulation of verses that may have been added to the Torah after the revelation at Sinai.” 
[4] I deal with this in my forthcoming book, where the relevant citations will be found.
[5] See here
http://www.moreshet.co.il/web/shut/shut2.asp?id=68707
[6] Rosenzweig wrote: “We, however, take this R to stand not for Redactor but for rabbenu [our rabbi]. For whoever he was, and whatever text lay before him, he is our teacher, and his theology is our teaching.” See Dan Avnon, Martin Buber: The Hidden Dialogue (Lanham, 1998), p. 50.
[7] Sherlo’s answer is not clear. He was asked about the Seventh Principle, that Moses’ prophecy is superior to all others. Rather than replying to this, he answers that there were amoraim who did not think that Moses wrote the last verses of the Torah. This, however, relates to the Eighth Principle, not the Seventh. None of the amoraim who thought that Joshua wrote the last verses assumed that he was on Moses’ prophetic level, so Sherlo’s answer is really a non-sequitur.
[8] In recent years I have seen many examples of this. Some extreme statement or ban is attributed to a haredi gadol, and commenters on haredi news sites declare that Gadol X could never have made such a hurtful and counterproductive statement. These commenters argue that it must be the “askanim” who are responsible for this. (I specifically remember such arguments in the first few days after the ban on Making of a Godol was announced.) When a few days later it becomes clear that the statement is accurate, and was indeed made by the gadol, what then are these people to do, people who just a few days prior were so adamant in rejecting the position? 

People convincing themselves that their leaders could not really mean what they say is obviously not merely a haredi issue. Here is what Paul Veyne writes: “Under France’s Old Regime, people believed and wanted to believe in the king’s kindness and that the entire problem was the fault of his ministers. If this were not the case, all was lost, since one could not hope to expel the king the way one could remove a mere minister.” See Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths (Chicago, 1988), p. 91.
[9] Regarding the Sefer Torah found by Hilkiah, R. Jacob Emden, Birat Migdal Oz (Zhitomir, 1874), p. 152a, claims that Josiah was unable to read the old Hebrew script in this Torah, and that is why it had to be read to him. For a rejection of this view, see R. Jacob Bachrach, Ha-Yahas la-Ketav Ashuri u-le-Toldotav (Warsaw, 1854), pp. 47-48.
[10] The division of the Pentateuch into different books is itself quite ancient. See R. Hayyim Hirschensohn, Seder la-Mikra (Jerusalem, 1933), vol. 1, p. 52.
[11] As mentioned already, the Bible Critics of whom I speak don’t really believe that it was "found".
[12] There is another unusual tradition that appears in Yemenite texts according to which the entire Torah (and also the rest of the Bible) was forgotten by the Jews during the First Exile, and Ezra later reconstituted it from memory. See R. Saadiah ben David, Midrash ha-Beur, ed. Kafih, vol. 2, p. 676. See also here.
[13] Mavo le-Torah she-Baal Peh, ed. Zini (Jerusalem, 2002), pp. 25-26.
[14] See also Bezalel Naor, The Limit of Intellectual Freedom (Spring Valley, 2011), pp. 77, 253. In Deut. 17:18 it says about the king: וְהָיָה כְשִׁבְתּוֹ, עַל כִּסֵּא מַמְלַכְתּוֹ--וְכָתַב לוֹ אֶת-מִשְׁנֵה הַתּוֹרָה הַזֹּאת
For a rejection of the view that the words “Mishneh Torah” refer to Deuteronomy, see Bachrach, Ha-Yahas la-Ketav Ashuri u-le-Toldotav, p. 70.
I have often heard the notion expressed, in line with Ibn Ezra to Deut. 4:14, Nahmanides to Lev. 8:38 and in his introduction toDeuteronomy, and Abarbanel in his introduction to Deuteronomy, that all of the mitzvot were given at Sinai or soon after. I don’t think this is the simple meaning of the Torah. After all, there are loads of mitzvot in the book of Deuteronomy, and this was years after the revelation at Sinai. Apparently, Nahmanides’ viewpoint was motivated by his dogmatic assumption. R. Bahya ben Asher, Commentary to Gen. 24:22, and Radbaz did not share Nahmanides’ outlook, with Radbaz writing: ודברי [הרמב"ן] תימה הם בעיני. See She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-Radbaz, no. 2143. Radbaz has a very provocative formulation in this responsum, and I am not sure what to make of it.

אין הכי נמי שצוה במצוות רבות בערבות מואב וכמה מצוות מצינו שאמרן משה לישראל ולא נאמר בהם צו את בני ישראל או דבר אל בני ישראל אלא משה יושב ודורש והכל יודעין שהכל מפי הגבורה

The words משה יושב ודורש are found in Bava Batra 119b where it means that Moses was expounding on a certain biblical law. As these words are used here, however, they appear to mean that Moses generated new mitzvot by means his יושב ודורש. This is not the same as God directly informing Moses of these new commandments, and I don’t know any earlier source that portrays mitzvot as originating in this fashion. It is also contradicted by how Maimonides describes the revelation of the Torah in his Eighth Principle.
               
Yet I am not certain about this, since the passage immediately following the one quoted above seems to offer a different perspective: 

וכל המצוות המחודשות אשר במשנה תורה הקב"ה אמר למשה בערבות מואב ומשה אמרן לישראל בכלל שבאר להם המצוות אשר כבר נאמרו וכל מה שנתחדש בהם מפי הקב"ה הוא ומשה לא דרש דבר מדעתו.
[15] See R. Eliah Shapiro, Eliah Rabbah 669:17.
[16] Avat Nefesh is discussed here.
[17] One student told me that he would often cite Kierkegaard.
[18] Both of these responsa, and others as well, are analyzed by Dr. Yitzhak Hershkowitz in a forthcoming article. I thank him for sharing his article with me prior to publication.
[19] For more stringent rulings, see R. Yekutiel Yehudah Greenwald, Ha-Shohet ve-ha-Shehitah ve-Sifrut ha-Rabbanut (New York, 1955), pp. 86ff.
[20] In Between the Yeshiva World and Modern Orthodoxy, p. 211 n. 172, I refer to R. Walkin as R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg’s “short lived successor to the rabbinate of Pilwishki.” Some have wondered how I know this information, and indeed there is nothing about this in Eliezer Katzman’s articles on R. Walkin in Yeshurun vols. 11 and 12. That R. Walkin was rav of Pilwishki is found in R. Weinberg’s article about the town in Kitvei R. Weinberg, vol. 2, p. 390. In a letter to R. Kook, R. Walkin asks his advice on whether he should accept the rabbinate of Pilwishki. See Iggerot la-Reiyah (Jerusalem, 1990), no. 151. The date given in R. Walkin’s letter to R. Kook is Heshvan 5684 (1923), but this can’t be correct, as by this time R. Walkin was the rav of Pinsk. The original must say תרפ"ב not  תרפ"ג.
[21] A few readers might remember my bar mitzvah party, where some of these gedolim pictures were turned into posters. Also, smaller blow-ups were placed on each table as the table identifier. While most of the posters were thrown out, I saved one. When I attended JEC in Elizabeth for high school, I brought in the poster made from this picture of R. Elchanan Wasserman, and hung it on my classroom wall..






















Everyone in the class thought this was very nice. One day I came to school and the poster was gone. Someone told me that R. Pinchas Teitz had taken it down. I couldn’t for the life of me understand why he would do that. I didn’t know then what I know now, about how many people strongly opposed R. Elchanan’s viewpoints (e.g., R. Zvi Yehudah Kook wouldn’t allow R. Elchanan’s Kovetz Ma’amarim in Merkaz ha-Rav’s library. See Hilah Wolberstein, Mashmia Yeshuah [Or Etzion, 2010], pp. 192-193, 404). But even if I knew that, this would not have been a reason for R. Teitz to take down the poster. I went to see him, first to get my poster back, and also to understand why he took it down. He explained that since we had a minyan in the classroom, it was improper to have a picture of a man on the wall, even if this man was R. Elchanan.

A Few Comments Regarding The First Woodcut Border Accompanying The Prague 1526 Haggadah

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A Few Comments Regarding The First Woodcut Border Accompanying The Prague 1526 Haggadah

The Prague 1526 edition of the Haggadah is one of the most important illustrated haggadot ever published.  It is perhaps the earliest printed illustrated haggadah for a Jewish audience and served as a model for many subsequent illustrated haggadot.[1]  The earliest printed haggadah with illustration was published in 1512 in Latin and for a non-Jewish audience. That haggadah contains six woodcuts, and was intended as a response to the infamous anti-Semite Pfefferkorn’s screeds against Judaism.[2]The woodcut accompanying the first page shows three Jews around the seder who have four cups in front of them.  Although the Talmud explicitly states that one is not required to have four distinct cups of wine, presumably the image is a crude method of indicating the four-fold nature of the wine during the seder rather than prescribing custom.

The Prague 1526 edition was published by Gershom and his brother Gronom Katz on Sunday, 26th of Tevet 5287 or December 30, 1526.[3]  This detailed publication information does not appear on the title page, rather it appears at the end of the book and is referred to as a colophon.  The colophon is a manuscript convention that was incorporated into earlier printed books. The Prague 1526 edition does not have a title page at all.  At that time, the usage of the title page was only in its early stages.[4]

I.          The Earliest Hebrew Title Pages

As with non-Hebrew titles, the title page developed over time, both in terms of content as well as usage.[5]   The first Hebrew title page is that of the Sefer Rokeah published in Fano in 1505.[6]But that title page is really one of the more basic forms of the title page, known as a “label title page” providing only the title and author and no other ornamentation or information.[7]In that same year, an edition of Abarbanel’s Zevah Pesach was published in Constantinople.  This edition was the first to contain a border with the title and author, but no place or date of publication.[8]  The first Hebrew book containing all the elements of a traditional title page, border, title, author, place and date is likely the 1511 Pesaro edition of the Talmud published by Soncino.[9]

Traditionally, the Hebrew title page is referred to as a “sha’ar” or gate.  The theory behind this description is that many title page borders are comprised of “gates,” the most common are the pillars that adorn many Hebrew books and are assumed to be those at Saint Peter’s Basillica in Rome.  Their inclusion in Hebrew books is perhaps linked to the (discredited) notion that the Catholic Church maintains certain portions of the Jewish Temple, and these pillars were actually in the Temple.   The first Hebrew book to use an architectural border is Daniel Bomberg’s edition of the Jerusalem Talmud published in 1522.[10]

II.            Illustrations in Hebrew Books

Returning to the Prague 1526 haggadah, as mentioned previously, this edition was copiously illustrated, including the first page of the book.  This is not the first example of Hebrew printed illustrations.  The earliest illustration to appear in a Hebrew book is that of a lulav and a handful of other explanatory images accompanying the Rome edition of the Sefer Mitzvot Gedolot dated to before 1480.[11] 



The first fully illustrated Hebrew book was published in the incunabula period as well, it is Isaac ben Solomon Ibn Sahula’s Meshal ha-Qadmoni, printed in Italy, circa 1491, by Gershom Soncino.[12] 

The border surrounding the first page of the Prague 1526 incorporates both Jewish as well as non-Jewish elements.  First, it is obvious that a Jew had a hand in the border as, in the inset, it displays someone performing bedikat hametz (searching for the bread) where he is using the traditional implements of a candle and chicken feather.  The outside border is less Jewish, and as many have noted, appears to be a copy of Italian/German renaissance borders.  The two most likely candidates for models for Prague are the border first used in the 1518 edition of Sacri Doctoris by Raymond Lulli (available here) or a border first used in 1519 for Paolo Ricci’s, Lepida et litere in Augsburg and reused in an Augsburg 1522 edition of Erasmus, Ad reverendum (available here).  Although we cannot pinpoint exactly which of these, if any, served as a model, what is clear is that among the images included in this border are bare breasted women. 

The use of bare breasted women to illustrate the haggadah is not limited to Prague. Both Charles Wengrov and Elliot Horowitz have pointed to earlier manuscript antecedents for Prague’s usage of such illustrations.[13]Aside from the printed example of the Prague 1526 Haggadah, this convention continued in manuscripts as well illuminated after 1526.  There are at least four such 16thcentury examples.[14]Additionally, and contrary to Horwitz’s contention that Spanish Jews were less accepting of such displays,[15]the Sarajevo Haggadah, which originated in Spain around 1350, includes two panels of Adam and Eve both depicting a bare-breasted Eve. 


Likewise, the Golden Haggadah, 1320 Spanish manuscript includes the same form of illustration of the Adam and Eve scene.  Additionally, the Golden Haggadah includes images of nude bathers when it depicts Miriam standing from afar to see what will become of baby Moses.[16]


III.            Censorship in Modern Reprints of Prague 1526

            These historical antecedents notwithstanding, recent reprints of Prague 1526 have not been as accepting.  This initial border has been altered to airbrush and remove the bare breasts.   In 1989, a facsimile edition of Prague 1526 was published with the commentary of the Prague rabbi, Rabbi Yehuda Loew (Maharal). This border has been “touched up.”


Similarly, in 1998, a colorized facsimile edition of Prague 1526 was published.  Although the publishers took great pains to provide color where before there was black and white, they also altered this border.


Oddly enough, although they found this image offensive, they decided to reproduce it in two other places in this reprint even though this image only appears once in the original. Here is the original:

 
Not only is the first border altered, but other instances of bare breasts have been removed; most notably the image accompanying the verse from Ezekiel 16:7 “I made you grow like a plant of the field. You grew up and developed and became the most beautiful of jewels. Your breasts were formed and your hair grew, you who were naked and bare.”



















































(As discussed previously here a later, Venice 1609, edition also altered this page.)  Again in 2001, a facsimile of Prague 1526 “published by the Religious Council of Efrat in honor of the settlement’s twentieth anniversary . . . . two illustrations are surreptitiously deleted:  the bare breasted woman” accompanying the verse from Ezekiel.[17]  Most recently, in 2009, the airbrushed image of this woman was reproduced in The Schechter Haggadah: art, history; commentary.[18]  




[1]  There may be an earlier illustrated print haggadah, however, only 12 leaves of this haggadah are extant making it difficult to date (or identify the country of origin).  For a bibliography regarding this fragment haggadah see Y. Yudlov, Otzar haHaggadot, Magnes Press, Jerusalem:1997, entry 9; and most recently, Eva Frojmovic, “From Naples to Constantinople: The Aesop Workshop’s Woodcuts in the Oldest Illustration Printed Haggadah,” in The Library, Sixth Series, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, June:1996, pp. 87-109. 
[2]  See R. Cohen, Jewish Icons: Art & Society in Modern Europe, University of California Press, CA:1998, pp. 21-22; see also Y.H. Yerushalmi, Haggadah; History: A Panorama in Facsimile, Philidelphia:1978, plates 6-8.
[3]Aside from the edition discussed herein, there is at least one copy of another haggadah that is also published by Cohen in Prague that same year.  While both versions are substantially similar, some of the images and borders have been changed.  Relevant for our purposes, is that the image accompanying “Sefokh” which is a full page border with images of bare breasted women, has been replaced with a more innocuous border found elsewhere in the haggadah.  See Yudlov, Otzar, entry 8; A. Ya’ari, Bibliography of the Passover Haggadah, Bamberg & Wahrman, Jerusalem:1960, entry 7; Rabbi Charles Wengrov, Haggadah & Woodcut: an Introduction to the Passover Haggadah Completed by Gershom Cohen in Prague, Shulsinger Bros., New York:1967, pp. 78-9. 
[4]  The first Prague imprint to include a separate title page is in a 1526 edition of Yotzrotpublished by Cohen.  See Wengrov, Haggadah & Woodcut, p. 82 n.238. 
[5]Although, with regard to the adoption of the title page, Jews appear to adopt this convention at or near the time as society at large, that was not the case with other literary advances.  While the majority of the western world adopted the codex and discarded the scroll some time in the third century, the first recorded Jewish reference to the codex does not occur until the late eighth or the early ninth centuries.  See Anthony Grafton, "From Roll to Codex: A Christian Initiative," in Crossing Borders, Hebrew Manuscripts as a Meeting-place of Cultures, ed. Piet van Boxel & Sabine Arndt, Bodleian Library:2012, pp. 15-20. 
[6]A.M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books, Museum of Printing Art, Safed:1969, pp. 8-9. 
[7]  For a discussion of the development of the title page as well as the different types, i.e., label, border, end-title, see M.M. Smith, The Title-Page its early development 1460-1510, The British Library & Oak Knoll Press, London & Deleware:2000. 
[8]See M.J. Heller, The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus, Brill, Leiden & Boston:2004, vol. I, pp. 6-7. 
[9]The border used for the Pesaro Talmuds first appeared in Decachordum Christianum (The Christian Ten String Harpsichord) published in Fano, 1507 by Gershom Soncino.  See M.J. Heller, Printing the Talmud, pp. 104-117  Additionally, see Heller's discussion, id. p. 113, regarding Soncino's reuse of the Dechachaordum's frames.  In reality, although the frames were originally cut for Decachordum, they were first used on Gershom's edition of Bahya ibn Pakua's commentary on the Torah, published four months prior to Decachordum
See M.J. Heller, The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus, Brill, Leiden & Boston:2004, vol. I, p. 41; Smith, The Title-Page, supra, pp. 47-59 (discussing the use of the blank title page). 
[10]  See A.M. Habermann, “The Jewish Art of the Printed Book,” in Jewish Art, An Illustrated History, ed. Cecil Roth [revised ed. by B. Narkiss], New York Graphic Society Ltd., Connecticut:1971, pp. 167-68.  In Habermann’s earlier work, Title Pages of Hebrew Books, p. 9, he erroneously asserts that the earliest works to include architectural title pages were Soncino’s Melitza le-Maskiland Bomberg’s Tanach, both published in 1524/25. 
[11]  See Joshua Bloch, “The Library’s Roman Hebrew Incunabula,” in Hebrew Printing & Bibliography, ed. Charles Berlin, New York:1976, p. 140.  For a description of this work see S. Iakerson, Catalogue of Hebrew Incunabula from the Collection of the Library of the Jewish Theological Seimary of America, JTS, New York & Jerusalem:2005, entry 7. 
[12]See A.M. Habermann, “The Jewish Art of the Printed Book,” supra, at 169.  Habermann appears to argue that this is first printed Hebrew book containing illustrations, is incorrect. As discussed above, the first was the Rome edition of Sefer Mitzvot Gedolot. He is not alone in this error.  Ursula Schubert makes the same error.  See Ursula Schubert, Jewish Book Art, From the Renaissance until Emancipation, [Hebrew], Kibbutz hami-Uchad, Tel Aviv:1994, p. 27. 
Habermann, id., notes that the great Hebrew bibliographer, Mortiz Steinschneider, was tricked with regard to one of the illustrations contained in Meshal ha-Qadmoni.  Steinschneider, in a discussion about the alleged Christian origins of these illustrations, called attention to the fact that in one of them contains a monk wearing a crucifix. But, in the interim we have learned “that this last embellishment was a practical joke played by a Christian scholar. . . [the crucifix] having been added by [a later] hand!”  Regarding the history and origins of the images included in Meshal ha-Qadmoni, see César Merchán-Hamann, “Fables from East to West,” in Crossing Borders, pp. 35-44; Ursula Schubert, Jewish Book Art, pp. 27-8. 
[13]  Rabbi Charles Wengrov, Haggadah & Woodcut, p. 47 nn.112-13;Elliot Horowitz, “Between Cleanliness and Godliness,” in Tov Elem: Memory, Community & Gender in Medieval & Early Modern Jewish Societies, ed. E. Baumgarten, et al., Bialik Institute, Jerusalem:2011, *38-*39. 
[14]Mendel Metzger, La Haggada Enluminée, E.J. Brill:1973, plate LIV, nos. 303-305; Chantily Haggadah, Musée Condé, Ms. 732, fol. 13, reproduced in Index of Jewish Art, eds. B. Narkiss & G. Sed-Rajna, Jerusalem-Paris:1976, vol. I, card no. 36.
[15]  Horowitz, “Between Cleanliness,” at *38, (“One suspects that a Spanish Jew coming to Germany in the early 15thcentury would have been equally surprised to see an image of a naked woman” in a Hebrew manuscript.).  
[16]  The Golden Haggadah, ed. Bezalel Narkiss, Pomegranate Artbooks, California:1997, figs. 17 & 24.
[17]  Id.n.37.  Horowitz only notes the 2001 example of censorship of Prague 1526, and apparently is unaware of the earlier examples.  Additionally, he chastises the Efrat reproduction for erroneously indicating a 1527 publication date.  Efrat is not only in erring regarding the secular date.  The first facsimile edition (Berlin:1925), which includes a scholarly introduction, full title is:  “Die Pessach Haggadah Des Gerschom Kohen Gedruckt Zu Prag 5287/1527.” Perhaps one can excuse the error as, in reality, it was completed on the eve of 1527, December 30, 1526.
[18]The Schechter Haggadah: Art, History & Commentary, [illustrations selected and annotated by David Golinkin], Schechter Institute of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem:2009, p. 36, fig. 16.1.  

The Cup for the Visitor: What lies behind the Kos Shel Eliyahu?

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The Cup for the Visitor: What lies behind the Kos Shel Eliyahu?
By: Eliezer Brodt

In this post I would like to deal with tracing the early sources for the Kos Shel Eliyahu. A version of this article was printed last year in Ami Magazine (# 65).  This post contains a few corrections and additions to that version. A much more expanded version of this article will appear in Hebrew shortly (IY"H).

One of the memorable parts of the sedernight is during Shefoch Chamascha when we open the door for Eliyahu Hanavi to come inside and drink from the Kos Shel Eliyahu. Children all over the world look carefully to see if there is less wine in the cup after he leaves, while many adults ‘accidently’ shake the table to make sure that there is less wine. What are the sources of this custom? When do we pour the kos of wine and what should we do with the leftover wine from the kos—drink it, spill it out, or save it? In this article I hope to trace this custom to its earliest known sources and to discuss some other aspects of the seder night related to this topic.[1]I would like to point out that my intention in this article is not to collect all the sources and reasons on these specific topics but rather to focus on the earliest sources and how these various minhagim came about.[2]

To begin with, it is worth pointing out that as far as we know today, there is no mention of the concept of Kos Shel Eliyahu in all of the literature that we have from the Geonim and Rishonim. Neither is there mention of it in the Tur, Shulchan Orach, Rema, or other early commentators on the Shulchan Orach.

One of the earliest mentions of a Kos Shel Eliyahu can be found in Rabbi Yaakov Reischer’s (1660-1733) work, Chok Yaakov on Hilchos Pesach, first printed in 1696, in Dessau. He wrote that in his area, people had the custom to pour an extra glass of wine and call it Kos Shel Eliyahu.[3] He does not mention a reason for this custom, or at what point during the seder it is done, nor does he connect it to the opening of the door during Shefoch Chamaschaor the idea Eliyahu Hanavi comes to the Seder.

Rabbi Chaim Benveniste (1603-1673), famous for his work Knesses Hagedolah, in his work on Pesach called Pesach Meuvin, first printed in 1692, writes that he saw some Ashkenazi Jews that leave an empty glass in the middle of the table for the leftovers of each cup of wine, and they call it Kos Shel Eliyahu. He writes that he liked this minhag so much that he started doing it himself, and he drank this glass during the Meal.[4] Here too, there is no connection made between the Kos Shel Eliyahu and opening the door during Shefoch Chamascha for Eliyahu Hanavi.

In 1728, Rabbi Moshe Chagiz (1671-1751), printed part of a work of his, on minhagim, in the back of SeferBirchat Eliyahu[5]. He writes that he was asked about the custom of Ashkenazi Jews to pour a cup of wine at the beginning of the seder for Eliyahu Hanavi, and that after the sederthe head of the household slept next to this full glass of wine. Rabbi Moshe Chagiz was asked if observing this custom was a problem of nichush[divination].

Rabbi Chagiz replied that it was not a problem of nichush at all. He explained that the reason for this custom was similar to the reason we prepare a special chair for Eliyahu Hanavi at a bris milah.[6]Eliyahu Hanavi witnesses that the bris is performed. So too, on Pesach, Eliyahu Hanavi is supposed to be a witness that the Korban Pesach is done properly. The Korban Pesach is dependent on milah, since the halacha is that only someone with a bris milah can eat the Korban Pesach.[7] However it is important to point out that according to this reasoning, Eliyahu Hanavi does come to the seder, but it would seem that this would apply only during the times when the Korban Pesach was eaten.

New early sources for Kos Shel Eliyahu

Until 1984 these were the three earliest sources that made any mention of Kos Shel Eliyahu. In 1984, Rabbi Binyomin Nuzetz printed parts of a manuscript of Rabbi Zeligman Benga on Pesachim. Rabbi Benga was a grandson of Rabbi Menachem Tzioni and a close talmid of the Maharil, and he died around 1471. Rabbi Benga writes that he noticed some people pour a special glass of wine and call it Kos Shel Eliyahu. He writes that a possible reason for this is that we pour wine for Eliyahu Hanavi, since we are expecting him to come and he will need wine for the Arba Kosos.[8]This source helps us date the Kos Shel Eliyahu a few hundred years earlier than previously thought. Previously, the earliest source was printed in 1692. What is interesting about this source is that he was not sure where the minhagcame from and, again, he mentions no connection to Shefoch Chamascha.

In 1988, the department in Machon Yerushalayim that prints early works of German Jewry printed two volumes from manuscript from Rabbi Yuzpeh Shamash (1604-1678) of Worms. Rabbi Yuzpeh Shamash writes that it was the custom in Worms at the beginning of the seder to pour one extra cup of wine. Just as we say in the Haggadah, “Kol dichfin yesev v’yachul,” we prepare a glass for the guest who might come. This glass is called Kos Shel Eliyahu since this is the guest we await. Rabbi Yuzpeh Shamash brings another reason why it is called Kos Shel Eliyahu: because it is a segulah to say “Eliyahu” to get rid of mazikim [destructive forces], and we do various things on the seder night to chase away the mazikim.[9]

In 1985, a manuscript of Rav Yaakov Emden was printed in the Kovetz Kerem Shlomo of Bobov. This manuscript contained Rav Yaakov Emden’s notes on the Pesach Meuvin of Rabbi Chaim Benveniste. He says that there is a minhag to have a Kos Shel Eliyahubut not to pour leftover wine in a cup for him—that would not be an honor for him at all. He points out that the Chazal say not to drink from a cup that someone else drank from.[10]

Additional Reasons for Kos Shel Eliyahu

Rabbi Aron of Metz (1754-1836) suggested that the origin of the Kos Shel Eliyahu is that on Pesach the head of the household does not pour for everyone. Therefore, out of convenience, people would leave a big cup in the middle of the table for everyone to take from. Once the children started asking what the cup was for, they would tell them it was a cup for Eliyahu Hanavi.[11]

Rabbi Mordechai Gimpel Yaffe suggests an original possibility for the Kos Shel Eliyahu. The halacha is that when one makes a seudah he should leave over a little space empty as a zecher l’churban. He says that on Pesach, a glass of wine was left over as a zecherl’churban. It was called Kos Shel Eliyahuto represent the hope that Eliyahu Hanavi would come quickly to correct the Churban.[12]
Rabbi Shimon Falk asks the following question: The halacha is that one cannot bring a full loaf of bread to the table before bentching, since it looks like one is doing it for some form of idol worship. So why isn’t it a problem to prepare a glass of wine for Eliyahu Hanavi? Rabbi Falk suggests that it this might the reason we do not find any mention of a Kos Shel Eliyahu in the Gemara, but today, when there is no one amongst the goyim who worship in this manner, it’s not a problem.[13]

Maharal Haggadah

In 1905, in Warsaw, Rabbi Yudel Rosenberg printed the Haggadah of the Maharal which he claimed was from a manuscript of the Maharal’s son in law. In this Haggadah there is a lengthy discussion of the number of glasses of wine one should drink at the seder. The Maharal concludes that one has to drink five cups of wine and that this fifth cup is the Kos Shel Eliyahu.[14]If this is correct we have an early source for Kos Shel Eliyahu, the Maharal, and based on his words we would have many more early sources, since various Rishonim listed by the Maharal mention a fifth glass of wine.

However, it has been proven that, although Rabbi Rosenberg was a tremendous talmid chacham, he was also a forger. He may have possibly had good intentions behind his forgeries.[15]His most notable forgery was the story about the Maharal’s golem.[16]Rabbi Avraham Benidict devoted two articles to proving that this Haggadahis a forgery.[17] One of the points he discusses relates to our topic. The Maharal printed a work in 1582 about Pesach and the seder titled Gevuros Hashem. In this work the Maharal writes that one may drink a fifth cup, but he doesn’t connect the fifth cup to Kos Shel Eliyahu.

The Fifth Cup of Wine

However, whether or not the Maharal said that one has to drink a fifth cup, and whether or not he says that this is the Kos Shel Eliyahu, there are others that make a connection between the fifth cup and Kos Shel Eliyahu. A small introduction is needed. The Mishnah in the beginning of Arvei Pesachim says that even a poor person has to have four cups of wine at the seder. Later on, the Mishna and Gemara discuss exactly when the cups should be poured and drunk. The Gemara (119a) says that Reb Tarfon held that the fourth cup should be drunk after we say Hallel Hagadol. Many Geonim and Rishonim interpret this to be referring to a fifth cup of wine. In 1950 Rabbi Menachem Kosher printed a booklet collecting all the Geonim and Rishonim that deal with this issue and he showed that many held that one should, but does not have to, drink a fifth cup of wine.[18]It is worth noting that in Teiman[19]and in Italy,[20] many people drink a fifth cup of wine at the seder because of this. None of the sources that Rav Kasher collected tie this fifth cup to the Kos Shel Eliyahu.

Some bring in the name of the Gra,[21]others in the name of Rabbi Ephraim Zalman Margolis,[22]an interesting explanation for the development of the Kos Shel Eliyahu. There is an argument in the Gemara in Pesachim (119a) whether one needs to drink the fifth glass of wine. There is no final halacha given. Because we are not sure what to do, we prepare a cup of wine, but do not drink it. The reason it is called Kos Shel Eliyahu is because Eliyahu is going to come and tell us what the din is.[23]

So according to this Gra, Kos Shel Eliyahu is not really a new concept. It always existed, as the numerous sources that Rav Kasher collected demonstrate, but it was not called Kos Shel Eliyahu.

Many times we have different versions of something said over in the name of the Gra. Sometimes that is because things were added to what he actually said. In this case, one version has the Gra saying this idea a bit differently, that the opinion in the Gemara that one should drink a fifth cup of wine was Reb Eliyahu, so the fifth cup is called Kos Shel Eliyahu after him. This version concludes that this reason was revealed to the Vilna Gaon because his name was Eliyahu, as well. The problem with this version is that as far as we know there was no Tanna or Amorah with the name Eliyahu and that the person who said to drink a fifth cup of wine was Reb Tarfon.[24]

Be that as it may, it is likely that there are early sources for a fifth cup of wine at the seder and at some point its name became Kos Shel Eliyahu. But none of these explanations (except for that of Rav Moshe Chagiz) tie the cup to Eliyahu coming to the seder.

The Custom of Opening the Door

There is a custom of many that before we begin saying Shefoch Chamascha someone opens the door. What is the source for this minhag? One of the earliest sources of keeping the door open the whole night of Pesach is found in the Geonim. Rav Nissim Gaon says that one should be careful to leave open the doors the whole night.[25]The Manhig explains that this is because the night of Pesach is Leil Shimurim and if Eliyahu will come the door will be open and we would be able to run and greet him.[26]The Rama writes in the Darchei Moshe that because of this we open the door when saying Shefoch Chamascha, to show that we believe in Hashem and that Moshiach should come.[27]So it is clear from this that there is some connection between Shefoch Chamascha and Moshiach coming, but there is no mention in the Geonim and Rishonim that Eliyahu comes when we open the door. Rather it is understood to be a preparation for his eventual coming. It is worth pointing out that not everyone said Shefoch Chamascha[28]and that there are many different versions of what is said by Shefoch Chamascha.[29]

Rabbi Yosef Hann Norlingen (1570-1637) writes in Yosef Ometz (first printed in 1723) that in Frankfurt there was a custom that when the door was opened by the head of the house at Shefoch Chamascha someone would come in the door, to show our belief that Moshiach will come.[30]

However, Rabbi Yair Chaim Bachrach of Worms writes in Mekor Chaim that the minhag that some had to have the form of a person appear when the door was opened at Shefoch Chamaschawas not proper.[31]

Woodcuts and Pictures From Early Haggadahs

Some have claimed that there is no basis for a connection between Shefoch Chamascha and Eliyahu coming to the seder. However, as I will demonstrate, this is not so. Some of the earliest Haggadahs printed include many woodcuts and pictures of various aspects of the seder. These Haggadahs are a great resource to help find early sources of how various things were done at the seder.[32]Regarding Eliyahu Hanavi coming to the seder, Professor Sperber noted[33]that in a few of these Haggadahs there are pictures by Shefoch Chamascha of a man on a donkey in some of them he is being led by someone, for example, in the Prague Haggadah printed by Gershon Cohen in 1527.[34]The pictures were updated in a Haggadah printed in Prague in 1560. Another early Haggadah that has such pictures by Shefoch Chamaschacan be found in the Haggadah printed in Mantuvah in 1550.[35]Yosef Guttman collected fifteen illustrated Haggadah manuscripts from the fifteenth century which all show a man on a donkey by Shefoch Chamascha.[36]From all this evidence it is clear that already a few hundred years ago there was a belief that when the door is opened by Shefoch Chamascha that there is a connection to Eliyahu Hanavi and Moshiach.

Mantua 1550:


Prague 1556:


Prague 1590:



Sleeping Near the Kos Shel Eliyahu

In 1958, Rabbi Yosef Avidah wrote a small work devoted to gathering all the known information about the Kos Shel Eliyahu. He makes the following interesting observation. Rabbi Moshe Chagiz writes that the custom was that the head of the house slept near the Kos Shel Eliyahu the whole night but he does not say why. He suggests that the reason for this was similar to the reason for sleeping with the door unlocked to show we eagerly await Eliyahu’s and Moshiach’s arrival. He goes further to show that there is an early source for this minhag. The Leket Yosher writes that his Rebbe, Reb Yisroel Isserlin, author of the Terumas Hadeshen, used to sleep on Pesach on the bed that he leaned on during the meal and he does not know what his reason for this was.[37]Rabbi Avidah suggests that he was sleeping there to remind himself of the concept that on Pesach night we show that we eagerly await Moshiach.[38]

It is interesting to note that the Likutei Chaver from Rabbi Chaim Plaut, a talmid of the Chasam Sofer, writes that the Chasam Sofer would keep the cup the entire night and use it for Kiddush the next morning.[39] This would seem to have a connection to the same idea.

However it is worth pointing out that these don’t point to a connection between Kos Shel Eliyahu and Shefoch Chamascha.

Opening the Door and Zugos

Another nice possibility given to explain the opening of the door by Shefoch Chamascha is from the Bais Halevi. The Rama says we open the door to show that it’s Leil Shimurim. The Bais Halevi comments that according to this it would make more sense to open the door at the beginning of the sedernot at the end specifically when we say Kol dichfin yesev v’yachul ?[40]He answers that the Gemara in Pesachim(109 b) asks how can there be a halachato drink four cups of wine if there is a danger to eat or drink things in pairs—which is known as zugos. The Gemara answers since it is Leil Shimurim, there is no danger. So the Bais Halevi says that we specifically open the door when the fourth cup is drunk to explain to the person who would ask why isn’t there a problem of zugos. We show him that it’s not a problem because it is Leil Shimurimas we open the door.[41]

Additional Reasons for Opening the Door by Shefoch Chamascha

 A similar explanation for the opening of the door specifically by Shefoch Chamascha is suggested by Rabbi Yosef Zechariah Stern. He says the Gemara in Pesachim says another way that there is no problem of zugos is if one opens the door to the street. So that is why we open the door specifically at this point in the seder.[42]

Others suggest the reason for the opening of the door by Shefoch Chamascha was to show the gentile neighbors that the accusations against the Jews about using blood of Christians and the like are false.[43]
Rabbi Shmule Ruzuvski suggested that the possible reason why the door is opened by Shefoch Chamascha is because when we used to eat the Korban Pesach the halachais that one cannot take any of it out of the house so they used to lock the door. After bentching, they would go to the roof to say Hallel, so they opened the door.[44]

A Very Original Explanation for this Custom of Eliyahu Hanavi and the Seder

One possible explanation of why Eliyahu Hanavi is associated with the sedercould be the following: Rabbi Yuzpeh Shamash writes[45]that on Pesach night we say Eliyahu and Moshiach will come, because mazikin run away from a place where they recite Eliyahu’s name. He says that because of this some make a picture of Eliyahu and Moshiach for the children, so that the children seeing it will say “Eliyahu,” causing the mazikin to disappear.[46]Interestingly enough he writes that this could also be the reason it is called Kos Shel Eliyahu to get rid of the mazikin.[47]According to all this, what lies behind saying Eliyahu’s name at the seder is simply a desire to get rid of mazikin. Earlier I mentioned the Bais Halevi and others who say that the opening of the door at the seder by Shefoch Chamascha is to get rid of mazikin. According to Rabbi Yuzpeh Shamsash this was the also reason some used to draw pictures of Eliyahu and Moshiach.

Eliyahu Actually Comes

There are quite a number of stories concerning Eliyahu at the seder just to list some of them:

 The Yismach Moshe once sent some of his chassdim to eat the seder with the Chasam Sofer. When they returned they told him that in the middle something strange happened. A farmer came in. He drank a cup of wine that the Chasam Sofer gave him and then the Chasam Sofer drank from the cup after him. The Yismach Moshe told them that this was Eliyahu Hanavi.[48]

The Chiddushei HaRim once was speaking about the greatness of the Nodeh B’Yehuda. He said that when the Noda B’Yehuda would say Shefoch Chamascha he would escort Eliyahu Hanavi all the way to the street. The Noda B’Yehuda said, “It’s not that I actually see him, but rather that I believe so strongly that he does come to everyone, and this emunah is better than gilui Eliyahu![49]

Rabbi Yitchock Weiss writes that Rabbi Shneur Lublin, author of the Shut Toras Chesed, did not allow anyone to eat at his seder, He also told said that Eliyahu or a messenger comes to every great person on the night of the seder.[50]

The Belzer Rebbe would great Eliyahu when he opened the door by Shefoch Chamascha.[51]

Rabbi Yitchock Weiss writes that Rabbi Chaim Gottlieb of Stropkov would be visited by Eliyahu Hanavi at the seder. Many wanted to come to see this so they asked him permission to come. He answered, “Why not?” While they were there, they fell into a deep sleep until the seder was over.[52]

Conclusion

In conclusion there are definitely early sources that talk about a fifth cup of wine at the seder. According to some, this fifth cup at some point started being called Kos Shel Eliyahu. Starting from the late 1400s we find that people would pour a special kos, and call it Kos Shel Eliyahu.  I have shown that there are early sources for opening the door at Shefoch Chamascha that give various reasons. I also showed that there are many drawings by Shefoch Chamascha of a man on a donkey and Eliyahu found in the early manuscripts and printed illustrated Haggadahs. This would logically lead us to conclude that there was a belief that he did indeed come to visit when the door is opened and I offered another possible explanation for all this. May we be zocheh for Eliyahu to come with Moshiach this year at the Leil Haseder.



[1] For sources on this topic that helped me prepare this article See Rabbi Yosef Zecharia Stern, Zecher Yehosef, pp. 39-40; Rabbi Moshe Weingarten, Seder Ha-Aruch 1 (1991), pp.576-582; Shmuel & Zev Safrai,Haggadas Chazal, (1998), pp.177-178; Rabbi Gedaliah Oberlander, Minhag Avosenu Beydenu, 2, pp. 392-409; Rabbi Tuviah Freund, Moadim Li-Simcha (Pesach), pp. 358-376; Pardes Eliezer, pp. 180-243. These collections of sources were useful but it is worth noting that much earlier than all these collections many of the sources on this topic were already collected by Rabbi Yosef Avidah in 1958, in a small work called Koso Shel Eliyahu. As I mentioneda few weeks ago I recently reprinted this work with additions from the author's copy. Another earlier useful article on the topic is from Yehudah Rosenthal, Mechkarim2, pp. 645- 651. For general useful collections of material related to Eliyahu Hanavi see the two volume work Romot Gilod from Rabbi Eliezer Veisfish, (2005) and the earlier work of Aharon Weiner, The Prophet Elijah in the Development of Judaism (1978).
I would like to thank my good friend Yisroel Israel for help with the beautiful pictures to accompany this article.
[2] I hope to return to all this in my forthcoming article in Hebrew on this topic.
[3]Chok Yaakov, end of Siman 480.
[4]Pesach Meuvin(1997), p. 124, #182.
[5] See also the end of his Shut Shtei Lechem. Rabbi Freund (above note 1), p. 359 was apparently not aware of where this piece was printed first. This explanation is also brought in Rabbi Dovid Zecut, Zecher Dovid, Mamar Rishon, Chapter 26, pp. 174-175. See Elisheva Carlbach, The Pursuit of Heresy, (1990) esp. pp. 247-249.
[6] I hope to return to this topic in a future article.
[7] See Hagadat Baer Miriam of Rabbi Reven Margolis (2002), p. 90-91 where Rabbi Magolis brings a similar idea from the Toras Emes.
[8]Moriah, 13, (1984), n. 146-147, p. 17. See Chidushei MaHarz Binga, (1985), p.195.
[9]Minhaghim De-Kehal VerMeizah, (1988), p. 85-86.
[10]Kovetz Kerem Shlomo, 76 (1985) p. 7
[11]Meorei Or, Pesachim. On this work see the important article of Yakov Speigel, Yerushaseinu3 (2009, pp. 269-309.
[12]Techeles Mordechaeiin Keser Kehunah, (2004), p. 40. See also his Hagadas Mordechai, p. 75.
[13]Shut Shem Mishimon, (2003) 2, pp. 100-101.
[14] Hagdah Shel Pesach, Loshon Limudim , 1905, pp. 65-66.
[15] See Meir Bar Ilan, Alei Sefer 19 (2001), pp. 173-184.
[16] On all this see the excellent work from Dr. Shnayer Leiman, 2004, The Adventure of the Maharal of Prague in London. See also E. Yassif, Ha-golem Me-Prauge U- Massim Niflayim Acharyim, (1991).
[17] See Moriah 14 (1985) n. 3-4, pp. 102- 112; Moriah 16 (1989) n. 9-10, pp. 124- 130. See also Y. Yudolov, Otzar Hagadas, p. 171, #2299; Rabbi Shlomo Fischer, Tzefunot3 (1989) p. 69.
[18]Kos Chemeshi, Later reprinted in the back of Haggadah Shelimah, pp. 161-177. See also Yosef Tabori, Pesach Dorot, (1996), pp. 325-341; Shmuel & Zev Safrai,Haggadas Chazal, (1998), pp. 40-41.
[19] See Rabbi Yosef Kapach, Ha-Liechos Teiman (1968), pp. 22-23. See also Rabbi Y. Ritzabi, Aggadata Depischa, (1996), pp. 388-390; Moshe Garba, Mechkarim BeSidurei Yeiman1 (1989), pp. 139-141
[20] See Machzor Roma(1485), p. 73b [in the facsimile edition of this Machzar printed in 2012]. See also Sefer Ha-Tadir, (1992), p. 217.
[21] See the excellent article of Rabbi Y. Avidah in Hatzofeh (1958) which I recently reprinted in his Koso Shel Eliyahu pp. 53-57where he explains why he does not believe that the Gra actually said this idea.
[22]Hagdah Shel Pesach shel Haflah.
[23] See Likutei Tzvi, p. 28; Pineinim MeShulchan Ha-Gra, pp. 112-113; Hamoer Ha-godol, pp. 126-127. See also Rabbi Yeruchem Fishel Perlow in his notes to the Chidushel Dinim Mei-Hilchos Pesach, pp.29-30 who gives this explanation himself. See also A. Hopfer, Ha-Tzofeh Le-chochmas Yisroel, 11 (1927), pp. 211-21; Rabbi Shlomo Zalman Auerbach, Shalmei Moed, p. 404.
[24] This version appears in the beautiful Haggadah Beis Avrhom- Beis Aron (p.117b) where the author heard this from The Belzer Rebbe T"l in the name of the Gra. On all this see Yaakov Speigel, Yeshurun 7 (2000), p. 728-730. See also Shut Ber Sheva, end of siman 73; Rabbi Yosef Zecharia Stern, Mamar Tahaluchos HaAgdot, p. 26.
[25] Rav Nissim Goan, (Abramson) p. 278.
[26] Sefer Ha-Manhig, 2. p. 423-424. See Daniel Sperber, Minhagei Yisroel, 3, pp. 81-82
[27] For a discussion of the opening of the door see Rabbi Yosef Avidah, Koso Shel Eliyahu, pp. 4-8. See also his work Bershis Be-mlitzah Ha-ivrit, (1938), pp. 40-43. For an early illustration of the opening of the door at Shefoch Chamascha see Therese and Mendel Metzger, JewishLife in the Middle ages, (1982),p. 380.
[28] For example, in Italy they did not say it. See Machzor Roma (1485); Machzor Moscovitz, (2005), p.29. See Yitzchack Yudolov, Kovetz Mechkarim Al Machzor Ki-Minhag Bnei Roma (2012), pp. 17-18.
[29] See Daniel Goldshmidt, Haggadah Shel Pesach (1960), pp. 62-64; Haggadah Sheilmah, pp. 177-180. See also Yosef Tabori, Mechkarim Betoldos Halacha (forthcoming), pp. 370-389; Shmuel & Zev Safrai,Haggadas Chazal, (1998), pp.174-175.
[30]Yosef Ometz , p. 172, #786.
[31]Mekor Chaim, end of Siman 480.
[32] See Cecil Roth, Arshet3 (1961, pp. 7-30, especially, pp. 14-1. See also Richard Cohen, Jewish Icons, (1998), pp. 90-100; U. Schubert, Emunos HAsefer HaYehudit(1993); Marc Epstein, The Medieval Haggadah: Art, Narrative, and Religious Imagination (2011), especially, pp. 80-84.
[33]Minhaghei Yisroel4, pp. 168-170.
[34] On this haggadah see Y. Yudolov, Otzar Haggadas, p. 2, # 7-8. See also Rabbi Charles Wengrov, Haggadah and Woodcut, (1967), pp, 69-71; the introduction to the 1965 reprint of this Haggadah; Yosef Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, plate 13; See also Yosef Tabori, Mechkarim Betoldos Halacha(forthcoming), pp. 461-474.
[35] On this rare Haggadah see Y. Yudolov, Otzar Haggadas, p. 3, # 14.
[36] The Messiah at the Seder—A Fifteenth Century Motif in Jewish Art, pp. 29-38 printed in Sefer Rephael Mahaler (1974). See also his Hebrew manuscript Painting(1978), pp. 98-99. See also the Illustration of the Washington Haggadah 1478 in Betzalel Narkiss, Hebrew Illuminated manuscripts, pp. 140-141,34.
[37]Leket Yosher, p. 86.
[38]Koso Shel Eliyahu, pp. 12-13.
[39]Likutei Chaver Ben Chaim, 5 (1883), p. 110 b.
[40] The truth is as previously mentioned originally that was indeed the custom.
[41]Bais Ha-Levi, Parshas Bo, p. 15. The Chasam Sofer says this same idea in his notes to Shulchan Orach, 480.
[42] Rabbi Yosef Zecharia Stern, Zecher Yehosef, p. 39. See also Mishna Zicron (1923), p. 138; Rabbi Tzvi Farber, Kerem Hatzvi, p. 79. See the comments of the Dvar Yehoshuah on this printed in Hagadat Baer Miriam of Rabbi Reven Margolis (2002), p. 91.
[43]Likutei Tzvi, p. 29; Rabbi Shlomo Schick, Siddur Rashban, p. 32; Hagaddas Ha-Malbim (1883), p.50 (editor’s note).
[44]Mikrai Kodesh(Harri), p. 548.
[45] Rabbi Oberlander and Freund (above note 1) incorrectly thought that this comment is from the Chavos Yair.
[46]Minhaghim De-Kehal VerMeizah, (1988), p. 87. Rabbi Gedaliah Oberlander, Minhag Avosenu Beydenu, Rabbi Tuviah Freund, Moadim Li-Simcha, and Pardes Eliezer, all quote this piece of Rabbi Shamash But they did not realize what he was really saying.
[47]Minhaghim De-Kehal VerMeizah, p. 86.
[48]Orchos Hasofer, p. 115.
[49]Or Pnei Yitchak, p. 16.
[50]Elef Kesav, p. 21.
[51]Elef Kesav, p. 72.
[52]Elef Kesav, p. 97.

Borders, Breasts, and Bibliography

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Borders, Breasts, and Bibliography
By Elliott Horowitz

Dan Rabinowitz has provided us which a characteristically learned pre-Passover post on the Prague 1526 Haggadah, specifically concerning the illustrations on its borders, and from those borders continues on to the always contentious subject of breasts, a bare set (or rather, two bare sets) of which he claims may be found on the title page of that edition. Indeed, on both the right and left borders of the title page may be found rather curious figures with non-human faces but quite human- looking breasts; yet those breasts are not bare, but rather bound in form-fitting corsets from which the nipples peek out. Readers may search on their own, online or elsewhere, for images of such nipple -revealing bodices, which were popular in English masque costumes of the early seventeenth century,[1] but I will provide only a quotation from the celebrated English traveler Fynes Moryson (1566-1630) on the women of late sixteenth-century Venice who “weare gowns, leaving all of the neck and brest bare, and they are closed before with a lace....they show their naked breasts, and likewise their dugges, bound up and swelling with linnen, and all made white by art.”[2]

Here is the title page::


From the breasts on the borders of the Prague Haggadah's title page Rabinowitz moves on to the less contentious pair to be found in the Haggadah itself, appropriately accompanying the quotation from Ezekiel 16. He charitably notes that “both Charles Wengrov and Elliot[t] Horowitz have pointed to earlier manuscript antecedents of Prague's usage of such illustrations,” but then takes issue with “Hor[o]witz's contention that Spanish Jews were less accepting of such displays.” To that end he presents, in living color, two panels from the so-called “Sarajevo Haggadah,” illustrated in fourteenth-century Spain, depicting “a bare-breasted Eve,” and another illustration from the “Golden Haggadah,” - of similar provenance – depicting female bathers in a scene of the finding of Moses.

Yet in all those instances the semi-nude women are shown either in profile with partially covered breasts, or with breasts of rather adolescent dimensions – in contrast to the more amply-bosomed maiden depicted frontally in the Prague Haggadah (and uncensored facsimiles thereof), but not in Rabinowitz's otherwise amply illustrated post. Moreover, in contrast to the rather demure female figures in the late medieval Spanish haggadot, the “Prague Venus” (as I shall call her) gazes directly at the viewer – in a manner reminiscent of Titian's “Venus of Urbino,” completed a dozen years after the 1526 Haggadah was published. It may be noted that two bare-breasted mermaids are frontally depicted on a bronze Hannukah lamp from sixteenth-century Italy in the Israel Museum's Stieglitz collection.[3]

As far as the Prague Haggadah's date, Rabinowitz (gently) chides me for taking Efrat's Religious Council to task not only for deleting the semi-nude scene from the 2001 facsimile edition in honor of their settlement's twentieth anniversary, but for giving the Haggadah's date as 1527 rather than 1526. Rabinowitz justifies that error by noting that the (uncensored) Berlin facsimile - whose date he gives erroneously as 1925 rather than 1926 - gave the Haggadah's date as “5287/1527.” This is indeed true of its frontispiece, but in my battered copy of the Berlin facsimile a previous owner helpfully left behind a double-side flyer for the Haggadah which includes the more accurate information: “GEDRUCKT ZU PRAAG, 5287/1526.”



In my modest collection of haggadot the Berlin facsimile of the Prague Haggadah sits next to an octavo-size paperback of that same Haggadah issued in 1965 by Israel's Ministry of Housing. It's frontispiece reads:

שי לחג הפסח מוגש ע"י מפעל החסכון לבנין
לחוסכים במפעלי החסכון


Although the date of the Haggadah is there too given erroneously as 1527, Israel's Mapai-controlled Housing Ministry of 1965 saw no reason to make the same breast-related deletions as Efrat's Religious Council thirty six years later – or perhaps did not yet have (or afford) the technical ability to do so. The minister of housing before Passover of  that year  was Yosef Almogi, who had  been general secretary of Mapai during the early 1960's but joined Ben-Gurion's renegade Rafi party before the November elections of 1965, after which he was  replaced by Levi Eshkol. The copy in my possession previously belonged to David Zakkai (1886-1978), who was briefly general secretary of the Histadrut before David Ben-Gurion assumed that position  in 1921, and after the founding of Davar in 1925 wrote for that newspaper for many years under the pen-name "Z. David."  He won the Sokolov prize for journalism in 1956. Some three decades later many of the books previously in his possession were being sold off as duplicates by the library of Ben-Gurion University, which was named after yet another Mapai politician -  Zalman Aranne (1899-1970), who had also been general secretary of the party, and later served( twice) as  Israel's secretary of education and culture.

The old days of Mapai dominance are well behind us, but so are the days when  Israel's housing ministry could reprint a Haggadah showing bare breasts. As I write, the newly installed minister of housing is  Uri Ariel of the Jewish Home, whose predecessor was a member of Shas. Perhaps the additional funds that are now expected to come Efrat's way will allow its Religious Council to put out another facsimile edition celebrating yet another expansion of that venerable settlement. My own suggestion is Ze'ev Raban's illustrated Shir ha-Shirim, also suitable for Passover, but not yet available in a kosher edition. It will certainly keep their censorship committee busy.




[1] See recently Barbara Ravelhofer, The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music (2009).
[2] F. Moryson, An Itinerary...(1617, reprint 1907-8), recently quoted in M. F. Rosenthal, “Cutting a Good Figure...,” in M. Feldman and B. Gordon eds. The Courtesan's Arts: Cross-Cultural Perspectives (2006), 61. See there also illus. 2.2.
[3] For reproductions of the image see Chaya Benjamin ed., The Stieglitz Collection: Masterpieces of Jewish Art (1987), 157; Elliott Horowitz, “Families and their Fortunes: The Jews of Early Modern Italy,” in David Biale ed., Cultures of the Jews (2002), 578.  




Appendix by Dan Rabinowitz:
In addition to the censored reproductions discussed in the post and the one provided by Elliott Horowitz, we provide an additional example in this ever growing genre. One of the more well-known series that reproduce facsimile haggadot are those published on behalf of the Diskin Orphan Hospital Ward of Israel. As a fundraiser, they publish and distribute a different reprint of an earlier haggadah both print and manuscript. (See here discussing the Washington Haggadah reprint that led to accusation of heresy ). The first haggadah reprinted in this series is the Prague 1526. But, there are numerous errors and significant omissions in this reproduction. First the title, "The First Known Printed Passover Haggadah by Gershom Kohen Prague 5287/1527." This edition of the haggadah is not the first known printed haggadah, that is likely circa 1486, by Soncino (see Yerushalmi, Haggadah & History, plates 2-3; Issakson, no. 29), and the first illustrated is the 1512 Latin. In the introduction written by Dr. Aaron Rosmarin, he offers that Prague 1526 is "the oldest printed Hagadah graced with woodcuts." Again that is wrong. The 1486 haggadah already includes a handful of woodcuts.

Instead, at best, Prague 1526 is the first fully illustrated haggadah for a Jewish audience. The title also contains an error regarding the secular date, giving it at 1527. Rosmarin compounds this error. First he hedges on the secular year, when he explains that this editions was "printed by Gershom ben Shlomoh ha-Kohen and his brother Gronem in Prague 1526/27" but then zeros in on exactly when it "was completed on Sunday, the 26th of the month of Teves, 5287 (in January 1527)." It was December 30, 1526 and not some time in January 1527.

Additionally, regarding the nude image accompanying Ezekiel 16:7 that is omitted in its entirety. Although this omission (as well as a two other seeming non-offensive images) is not noted in the introduction, Rosmarin is careful to explain (without irony) that the 1526 edition contains some minor textual variants and omits the songs Ehad mi Yodeh and Had Gadyah, therefore this facsimile is not being reproduced to be used at the seder as "there are Hagadahs in abundance" for that purpose. Instead, the reason for reproducing Prague 1526 is because "this Hagadah is of great value for its art and uniqueness."

Israel ben Shabtai [Hapstein]. ‘Avodat Yisrael - Book review by Bezalel Naor

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Israel ben Shabtai [Hapstein]. ‘Avodat Yisrael (B’nei Berak: Pe’er mi-Kedoshim, 5773 / 2013). 66, 738 pages. 

Reviewed by Bezalel Naor 

Rabbi Israel ben Shabtai Hapstein, the Maggid of Kozienice (or more commonly, the “Kozhnitser Maggid”) (d. 1814) was a major figure in the third generation of East-European Hasidism founded by Rabbi Israel Ba’al Shem Tov, and specifically, a towering luminary within Polish Hasidism. Like his contemporary Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liozhno (and later Liadi), Rabbi Israel studied under Rabbi Dov Baer, the Maggid of Mezritch (who led the Hasidic movement after the death of the founder, Ba’al Shem Tov). Unlike Rabbi Shneur Zalman, whose school of Hasidism, Habad, continues to this very day, Rabbi Israel founded no school and has no hasidim, no followers to speak of, today. 

The same goes for Rabbi Israel’s book. Whereas Rabbi Shneur Zalman’s most famous work, Tanya, has earned the sobriquet (at least among Habad Hasidim) “the written Torah of Hasidism” (“torah she-biketav shel hasidut”), relatively few have studied Rabbi Israel’s magnum opus, ‘Avodat Yisrael (Service of Israel), a commentary on the Pentateuch. Indicative of neglect in this respect, until today the book has been an example of poor typography. First published in 1842, ‘Avodat Yisrael has been reissued periodically with pitifully broken letters of “Rashi” script (today unfamiliar to Hebrew readers without rabbinic training). About now the cognoscenti will chime in, “Afilu sefer torah she-be-heikhal tsarikh mazal” (“Even a Torah scroll in the ark requires luck”) and “Habent sua fata libelli” (“Books have their fates”). 

Thankfully, this horrendous situation has now been remedied. Enter Pe’er mi-Kedoshim, a publishing concern headed by Rabbi Israel Menachem Alter, son of the present Rebbe of Gur. Pe’er mi-Kedoshim has committed itself to re-issuing the classic texts of Hasidic thought in deluxe, state-of-the-art editions. The Kozhnitser Maggid’s ‘Avodat Yisrael is the premier volume in a series envisioned to include: Degel Mahaneh Efraim by Ba’al Shem Tov’s grandson, Rabbi Moses Hayyim Ephraim of Sudylkow (next on the agenda); No’am Elimelekh by Rabbi Elimelekh of Lizhensk; Zot Zikaron by Rabbi Jacob Isaac Horowitz (the “Seer of Lublin”), et cetera. 

The book displays all the benefits that the modern age of Hebrew printing has brought to the sacred realm. The cursive “Rashi” script has been replaced by the square characters familiar to every Hebrew reader, which have then been provided with vowel points and modern punctuation. Sidebars caption the highlights of the Maggid’s comments. Footnotes reference sources in rabbinic and kabbalistic literature, as well as cross-referencing to parallel passages in the Maggid’s own works. As is customary, the book is preceded by “Toledot” (Biography) of the Author, and followed by “Maftehot” (Indices). (At present these indices are purely topical. It is hoped that in the future there will be included an index of the works cited by the Maggid, which will allow students of his thought a glimpse of his library, and the horizon of his intellectual and spiritual world.) 

Quoting the Psalmist, “Who can understand errors?” (Psalms 19:12), the Editors have encouraged readers to offer constructive criticism, including pointing out errata in the present printing. Let us take them up on their kind offer. 

In Parashat Bereshit, end s.v. vayyasem H’ le-Kayin ‘ot (6a), the Maggid observes “that there are times when miracles are performed by the Other Side, as we find in the Gemara, and in the Midrash, Parashat Toledot, that through Arginiton miracles were performed for Rabbi Judah the Prince and his companions, and the Omnipresent has many emissaries.” Where the Maggid alludes to an unspecified “Gemara,” the Editors have supplied within the text itself, within parentheses, “Me’ilah 17b.” If one consults the text of that passage in the Talmud Bavli, one discovers that it concerns miracles wrought by Ben Temalyon (name of a demon) for Rabbi Shim’on ben Yohai during his mission to Rome. When offered the demon’s help, rather than rebuffing him, Rabbi Shim’on resigned himself to accepting his intervention by saying: “Yavo’ ha-ness mi-kol makom.” (“Let the miracle come from any place.”) This statement of Rabbi Shim’on is similar in tenor to the Maggid’s conclusion: “Harbeh sheluhim la-Makom.” (“The Omnipresent has many emissaries.”) 

Clearly, the Editors have read the text of ‘Avodat Yisrael in a disjointed fashion, interpreting that the “Gemara” and the “Midrash, Parashat Toledot” refer to two different stories. My own reading of the situation is that the “Gemara” and the “Midrash, Parashat Toledot” refer to the identical story whereby Rabbi Judah the Prince and his companions were spared the imperial wrath of Diocletian through the intervention of the demon Arginiton (or in the version of the Yerushalmi, “Antigris”). The “Gemara” of course is not the Gemara Bavlit, but rather the Gemara Yerushalmit, and the reference is to the Talmud Yerushalmi at the end of the eighth chapter of Terumot. I rather like my suggested reading for two reasons. First, we are told in the biographical introduction to the book that Rabbi Hayyim of Volozhin attested that the Kozhnitser Maggid was “familiar with Talmud Yerushalmi” (“baki be-Shas Yerushalmi”) (p. 30). Second, in recent years, the Hasidic court of Gur has expended great energy in promoting the study of the hitherto neglected Talmud Yerushalmi, so I believe it especially appropriate that the edition of ’Avodat Yisrael under the guidance of Rabbi Israel Menachem Alter shelit”a offer this alternate solution to deciphering the Maggid’s cryptic reference to “the Gemara.” 

In Parashat Shemot, beginning s.v. ve-sham’u le-kolekha (91a), the Maggid writes that Moses was confronted with a conundrum. On the one hand, he was pressing for some kind of divine assurance that his mission to Egypt be crowned with success and that the Hebrews indeed hearken to his voice. On the other hand, he was concerned that by its very nature a divine guarantee would rob the Hebrews of their free will, forcing them into belief. The assumption is that the Hebrews were redeemed from Egypt in the merit of their faith or emunah. (See Exodus Rabbah, Beshalah [parashah 23] playing on the words “tashuri me-rosh Amanah” [Song of Songs 4:8].) It is a tribute to the originality of the Kozhnitser Maggid that while most Biblical commentators busied themselves with the philosophic problem of God’s hardening the heart of Pharaoh, thereby depriving him of the free will to respond affirmatively to the divine demands, the Maggid explored in the opposite direction the problem of preserving the Hebrews’ free will to disbelieve. The Maggid’s solution to the problem involves some rather esoteric doctrines of Kabbalah, namely “hanhagat gadlut” (“governance of greatness”) versus “hanhagat katnut” (“governance of smallness”), best left for the adept in Jewish mysticism. I would just point out for the record that the Editors missed a cue here. When the Maggid writes “’Ve-hen’ she-hu ahat,” he is clearly referencing the Talmud Bavli, Shabbat 31b: “She-ken bi-leshon yevani korin la-ahat ‘hen’.” (“Hen in Greek is one.”) 

In the section for the festival of Shavu’ot, s.v. u-Moshe ‘alah el ha-Elohim (200a), the Maggid writes: “Since all Israel prepared themselves for the sanctity of the Lord, and a leader is commensurate to his generation, therefore Moses was able to ascend above.” Now the crucial words, the key to understanding this thought, “u-parnas lefi doro” (“and a leader is commensurate to his generation”), have been emended by the Editors to: “kol ehad le-fi koho” (“each according to his ability”). Granted that in the old edition there was some fuzziness concerning these words (“u-parush lefi doro”), but they could still be made out simply by correcting “u-parush lefi doro” to “u-parnas lefi doro,” a well-known Hebrew adage. In the present version, one is at a loss to glean the Maggid’s meaning. (I see now that the wording “kol ehad lefi koho” does occur in the Warsaw 1878 edition of ‘Avodat Yisrael. Unfortunately, the edition I possess is without place or date. Unable to locate a copy of the editio princeps of 1842, I have no way of knowing which version occurs there.) 

In Parashat Mas’ei, end s.v. eleh mas’ei b’nei yisrael (240a), in regard to Tish’ah be-Av, the Maggid discusses the difference between the “batei gava’ei” (“inner chambers”) and the “batei bara’ei” (“outer chambers”), alluded to by the Rabbis in TB, Hagigah 5b. The Maggid’s remarks in this passage are consonant with what he wrote elsewhere in Ner Israel, his commentary to the Likkutim me-Rav Hai Gaon (2a): “In the outer chambers there is sadness and mourning, but for one who is able to ascend to the inner chambers, to the will of the Creator, blessed be He, certainly there is happiness.” (By the way, the kabbalists’ reading of the passage in Hagigah, while opposite Rashi’s, coincides with the version of Rabbenu Hananel. See Rabbi Solomon Elyashev, Hakdamot u-She’arim [Piotrkow, 1909], sha’ar 6, chap. 6, “avnei milu’im” [24b-27b].) 

In Parashat Devarim, end s.v. eleh ha-devarim (246a) there is a quote from Rabbi Isaac Luria’s commentary to the Idra Zuta. The Maggid supplies the exact page number: folio 120. The problem is that the passage does not occur there. The Editors have left the reference in the text untouched. At least in a footnote we should be told that the quote may be found in Rabbi Jacob Zemah, Kol ba-Ramah (Korets, 1785), 122a. (I am indebted to my dear friend Prof. Menachem Kallus for the correct address.) See also Rabbi Hayyim Vital, Sefer ha-Derushim (Jerusalem, 5756 /1996), 214 (left column); and Rabbi Shalom Buzaglo, Hadrat Melekh, 139a. 

In the section for Tu be-Av, s.v. meyuhasot she-bahen (256b-257a), the Maggid writes that there are times that ki-ve-yakhol (as it were), God so delights in Israel that He becomes as a young man (bahur). The Maggid writes that he has dealt with this in his commentary to the line in Avot (beginning Chap. 6), “Barukh she-bahar bahem u-be-mishnatam.” As the Editors point out, the comment is not to be found in the Maggid’s remarks on Avot. Instead, they refer us to a parallel passage in Re’eh, s.v. ve-hineh ha-Midrash (270a). By the same token, they might have referred us to Ner Israel (commentary to Likkutim me-Rav Hai Gaon), 4b: “Ve-nikra bahur ka-arazim…” 

In the section for Rosh ha-Shanah, there is a lengthy kabbalistic homily, the thrust of which is that on that day we ask the Holy One, blessed be He, to reinvest himself in the particular role of “Elohei Yisrael” (“God of Israel”). “The God of these [Jews] is asleep.” Which is to say, [the nations] were not foolish enough to assert that the Sibat Kol ha-Sibbot (Cause of All Causes) is in a state of slumber, only “the God of these [Jews],” in other words, this particular hanhagah (governance) referred to as “Elohei Yisrael” (the God of Israel) is in a state of sleep…and unconsciousness, and there is but “Elaha de-Elahaya” (the God of Gods). Based on this, you will understand the kavvanot (mystical meditations) of Rabbi Isaac Luria for Rosh Hashanah. We awaken Him with the shofar (ram’s horn). (‘Avodat Yisrael, 290b) The Editors duly noted the reference to Rabbi Hayyim Vital, Peri ‘Ets Hayyim, Sha’ar ha-Shofar, chap. 1. But what they should have noted is the following reference which would have been even more instructive: “Now in the days of Mordecai was the mystery of the time of dormita of Zeir Anpin, and the mystery that Haman said ‘There is (yeshno) one people spread and separated among the peoples’ [Esther 3:8]. The Rabbis, of blessed memory, commented on the word ‘yeshno,’ that Haman alleged ‘their God is asleep.’” (Rabbi Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar ha-Purim, beginning chap. 5) The Holy Maggid loaded the kavvanot of Purim on to the kavvanot of Rosh Ha-Shanah

The Kozhnitser Maggid was a preeminent halakhist (specializing in heter ‘agunot, permitting wives of missing husbands to remarry), kabbalist, thinker (penning commentaries to the works of Maharal of Prague), and statesman. With all that, the following anecdote sent a shiver down my spine: The Kozhnitser Maggid was on friendly terms with several prominent members of the Polish nobility. In the eighteenth century, Poland, dismembered and subjected to a tripartite division—whereby Prussia annexed the western portion of Poland; Austro-Hungary annexed Galicia in the south; and Russia annexed the east—simply ceased to exist. A certain Polish nobleman importuned the Maggid to intercede with Heaven on behalf of the Polish nation. The gentleman would not leave the Maggid’s home until promised Polish independence. Finally, the Maggid foretold that at a time in the future Poland would once again be a sovereign nation—for a span of “three shemitin” (three sabbatical cycles or 21 years). When the Jews of Warsaw were being subjected to aerial bombardment by the Luftwaffe in September of 1939, they recalled the Maggid’s prediction. In the aftermath of World War I, in 1918 to be precise, Poland once again declared its independence. Three shemitin had passed from 1918 until 1939. Warsaw capitulated to the Nazis on the eve of Sukkot, the yahrzeit of the Kozhnitser Maggid! This anecdote was told by a witness to Warsaw’s destruction, Rabbi Joseph Friedenson, editor of Dos Yiddishe Vort, the Yiddish magazine of Agudath Israel of America (“Toledot,” p. 37).

Announcement: Special shiur by Rabbi Yechiel Goldhaber

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The readership of the Seforim Blog is invited to a shiur that will be taking place Thursday night [8 Iyaar; 18th April] at 9PM. The shiur will be given by the noted author Rav Yechiel Goldhaber of Eretz Yisroel [link]. He has authored many wonderful articles and works on a wide range of topics most notably Minhagei Kehilos about customs, and Kunditon (link) about the Titanic, and the Cherem on Spain. 

The subject of the Shiur is The influence of the Zohar on Halacha, and it will take place in Brooklyn at 1274 East 23rd Street (the home of Dr. and Mrs. Shlomo Sprecher). 

The shiur is dedicated to the memory of R. Y. Szlafrok, z"l whose 25th Yahrzeit is next Shabbos, 10 Iyaar. 

For reservations, please email goldhabershiur@gmail.com.

‘Masa’ot Yerushalayim’ and the ‘Sabba Kaddisha’ R. Shlomo Eliezer Alfandari

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‘Masa’ot Yerushalayim’ and the ‘Sabba  Kaddisha’ 
R. Shlomo Eliezer Alfandari
By: Moshe Maimon

One of the greatest and most unique Torah scholars, Sephardic or otherwise, of the past 100 years was R. Shlomo Eliezer Alfandari . His life spanned about a century[1]and his prolific rabbinic career included stints in Istanbul, Damascus, Safed and Jerusalem. Besides for being an outstanding scholar with a near-photographic memory he was also extremely diligent and was a prodigious writer of responsa and novellae. Additionally, he was renowned as an independent thinker and outspoken critic of many of the societal norms prevalent around him including Zionism and modernity, and he had little tolerance for those who he felt had strayed from the torah-true path.[2]This quality earned him many admirers and not a few adversaries, but all admitted that R. Shlomo Eliezer’s sole motivation was the truth and he did nothing for personal gain. Indeed, despite his considerable means, he lived a life of asceticism and completely shunned any form of publicity.

Amongst his native Sephardic brethren he was known as ‘Chacham Mercado Alfandari’.[3]This unusual-sounding surname; ‘Mercado’, meaning ‘purchased’ in Ladino, was somewhat common in his native Turkey and was indicative of the fact that it’s bearer had undergone a symbolic ceremony in his youth whereby he was ‘sold’ and redeemed. This practice is mentioned in Sefer Hasidim (#245) and was widespread in Sephardic lands.[4]My Great-uncle, Sam Bension Maimon, himself a Turkish native, in his book The Beauty of Sephardic life (p. 188) has this to say about that interesting custom:

This practice of “purchase,” was followed by a family that was blessed with a newborn baby, but had previously suffered the loss of an infant before the new arrival. In order to ensure the life of the muevo nasido (newborn baby), they would go through a formality in which a relative or a friend would “purchase” this baby from the parents, thus transferring ownership. This was done to outsmart the evil spirits and ward off their fatal hold on this family’s offspring that was marked for a fatal accident. So, if it was a boy, he was called Mercado; or if it was a girl, she was called Mercada.[5]

Today, however, he is more popularly known as ‘the Sabba Kaddisha’ which was the title bequeathed upon him by the Minchas Elazar of Munkacz; R. Chaim Elazar Shapira, who was largely responsible for bringing this sage to the attention of the greater public especially in Europe among the Ashkenazim.  This also was used as the title of his response - שו"ת הסבא קדישא. In a sense, the Munkaczer was also responsible for shaping the perception that many people have of R. Alfandari, as his perspective as detailed in his writings and in Masa’ot Yerushalayim, is the lens through which many see the Sabba Kaddisha.

The Munkaczer, after hearing about this extraordinary personality almost completely coincidentally, gradually became convinced that this sage was the ‘Holy elder’ or Sabba Kaddisha of the generation. According to a personal Hassidic tradition he had, the Holy Elder of every generation was capable of bringing the Messiah. This is what drew this great Hassidic leader, born and bred in Ashkenazic/Hassidic Hungary to R. Alfandari, although from a distance it might have seemed that the two made strange bedfellows. R. Alfandari, for his part, was delighted to make the acquaintance of an important Torah leader who shared his extreme views on Zionism and modernity.

Masa’ot Yerushalayim; Journey To Jerusalem: A review

There are various sources which provide biographical information on this unique sage,[6]but predominant among them is the detailed account of the Munkaczer Rebbe’s trip to meet R. Alfandari in the late spring of 1930 shortly before the latter’s passing. This account was written by a follower of the Rebbe, who accompanied him on his trip, by the name of R. Moshe Goldstein. The book, entitled Masa’ot Yerushalayim which also contains a biographical section on R. Alfandari[7] was first published 1931 in Munkacz and has been published many times since. This monumental meeting between east and west is a most interesting narrative and in addition to providing insight into the lives of these great scholars, it also allows for a view of pre-war Israel which is the backdrop for this meeting.

The book was recently translated into English by Artscroll (in 2009) and is called Journey to Jerusalem. It is this last work which I will focus on. Unfortunately, instead of adhering to their usual high standard and putting in the type of quality effort they have come to be known for into producing a professional edition of this classic, I found it to be lacking in many basic areas. First off, it is essentially just a simple translation from the original, complete with the archaic syntax such as ‘the Holy Rebbe’, ‘the Holy shul’, etc. Generally speaking, such prose, although sounding fine in Rabbinic Hebrew, nevertheless grates on the ears when rendered into English.

Additionally, the ’famed’ Artscroll system of transliteration[8]was dropped in the case of this book, instead they adopted in many instances the Hungarian Hasidic mode of pronunciation. Understandably, this can be accepted when mentioning the Minchas Elazar who was known to his Hasidim as the Minchas Eluzar; but what justification is there, on the other hand, for spelling out Rabbi Eluzar son of Rabbi Shimon (p. 136) and Rabbi Eluzar Azikri (p. 157)?

In one instance (p. 205) they transliterated the Hebrew spelling of the Isle of Rhodes (רודיס)and thereby refer to “…The great Rabbi Rephael Yitzchak Yisrael, rav of Rudis (!)”.

In one case a faulty translation of the original completely corrupts the meaning of the sentence such as when discussing the origin of the famous Abohab Synagogue in Safed the author writes parenthetically:

אינו נודע אם זהו בעהמח"ס מנורת המאור או זקינו.

In English they got it backwards and wrote (p. 148):

It is unclear whether it was he or his grandfather who authored the Menoras Hamaor.

So much for style, but when it comes to content there are also quite a few editorial blunders such as when they refer to the Maharit (= Moreinu Harav Yosef diTrani) as Rabbi Yitzchak (!) of Trani (p. 204). One particularly egregious oversight can be found in the following paragraph (from p. 142 – 143):

The story is told in the holy Rabbi Shlomo ibn Gabirol’s accounts of his travels in Eretz Yisroel that because of Rabbi Alkabetz’s great wisdom, the gentiles envied him, and an Arab killed him and buried him under a tree in his garden. When the tree bore fruit early, people investigated. The crime was discovered, and the murderer was hanged on that very tree. This story is recorded in the holy work Kav Hayashar (chapter 86) about Rabbi Shlomo Alkabetz.

Besides for the obvious problem with this story being that R. Shlomo Ibn Gabirol preceeded R. Alkabetz by 500 years, there are two contradictory sources given for this tale, namely the supposed ‘accounts of R. Ibn Gabirol’s travels’  (a non-existent work) and Kav Hayashar. A quick check with the Hebrew Edition will reveal the source of this error. Here is the original:

ולפלא, כי המעשה שהביאו בספרי תיירי ארץ הקודש מהקדוש מה״ר שלמה בן גבירול שמרוב חכמתו נתקנאו בו אומות העולם, וישמעאל אחד הרגו והטמינו תחת אילן בגן שלו, ועל ידי שהתאנה חנטה פגיה קודם זמנה חקרו, ואכן נודע הדבר ונתלה הרוצח על אותו אילן, מובא בספר הקדוש קב הישר (פרק פ״ו) על מה״ר שלמה אלקבץ ז״ל, יעיין שם.

What he is saying is that he was amazed to find that different accounts of tourists’ travels in Israel record a story supposedly about R. Shlomo Ibn Gabirol, while in Kav Hayashar it is reported to have happened to R. Shlomo Alkabetz. This is indeed an important bibliographical point, but In truth this legend is actually quoted in Shalshelet hakaballah regarding Ibn Gabirol[9]and although the authenticity of this sefer is often questioned, there can be no doubt that the legend predates R. Shlomo Alkabetz and indeed no contemporary sources indicate that R. Alkabetz had anything but a peaceful end. Even though all early prints of Kav Hayashar that I have checked say R. Shlomo Alkabetz, the context leaves no doubt that it is a mistake and should read Ibn Gabirol.[10]

Censorship and political correctness in Masa’ot Yerushalayim

It is clear that the English edition is a translation from the latest Hebrew Edition published in 2003[11]by Emes publishing ltd. (the official publishing house of the Munkacz Hasidim in Brooklyn).[12] This addition is somewhat different from the first edition and I am not sure on what basis these changes were made. In addition to the footnotes which were actually parenthetical remarks included in the text in the originalthey have added numerous footnotes expanding and cross-referencing the material[13] and there is no differentiation made between the original footnotes and the later ones. There are also various differences in the text itself. For instance the original edition when describing the Grave of R. Haim ibn Attar, (the author of Ohr Hachaim) the first edition (p.25b) adds:

'סמוך למנוחת האוה"ח הקדוש שם ג"כ מנוחת אשתוושתי יבמות שהיו לו לנשים'

The 2003 edition is less shocking in it’s revelation by stating instead:

'סמוך למנוחת האור החיים הקדוש שם גם כן מנוחתשתי נשיו'

This is also the version found in the English translation and if memory serves correct, contemporary restorations at the actual gravesite reflect the veracity of the later edition. In fact, this may be the reason they took the initiative, justified or not, to change the text.[14]

On another occasion the altering of the text was clearly intended to avoid possible fallout with today’s Yeshiva adherents. I refer you to the passage in the first edition (p.87b-88a) which recounts how certain members of the Hareidi Rabbis of Jerusalem approached the Munkaczer Rebbe in an attempt to find a solution to the problem of the negative effect the recently established Hebroner yeshiva was having on native Jerusalmite youth on account of the former’s modern style of dress.[15]The Rebbe hastened to consult with R. Alfandari who wisely advised him not to make a commotion over it as such a fuss would only have negative ‘political results’. It reads like this:

בהיות רבנו שליט"א בתוככי ירושלים באו אליו גדולים חקרי לב מהרבנים החרדים שם ליהנות ממנו עצה ותושי' כדת מה לעשות ע"ד ישיבת סלאבאדקע שהיתה מלפנים בחברון ואחר הפרעות והשחיטות ר"ל נעתקו משם וקבעו ישיבתם בירושלים והמה רובם ככולם (אם כי למדנים הם) הולכי קצוצי פאות וזקן ומגדלי בלורית ורגילים לזה ממדינתם ובהיותם בחברון שאין שם ישוב חסידים מהאשכנזים כ"כ לא הזיקו לאחרים משא"כ פה בקרתא דשופריא עיר מלאה חכמים חסידי עליון ירעו וישחיתו לנו ולבנינו ותלמידי ישיבתנו שילמדו מהם ח"ו בדמותם כצלמם.

רבנו בשמעו את כל התלאה הזאת הלך להתייעץ עם הסבא קדישא הרב מהרש"א אם להרעיש עליהם כעת אחרי שנמלטו על נפשם מהפראים וכו'. והוא השיב בחכמת שלמ"ה אשר בקרבו כי יש לחוש בעודם בחמימות מהרוגי חברון שנשחטו גם מתלמידי ישיבתם (ובתוכם יראי ה' הי"ד) ואם ירעישו עליהם יכנסו תחת כנפי אותו האיש קוק וכל משרד הרבנות הציונית שר"י ועי"ז יתרבה חילם עי ישיבת סלאבאדקי מפורסמת בעולם והראש מתיבתא שלהם מפורסם ללמדן ע"כ שוא"ת עדיף כעת...

וכשאני לעצמי כשבאו תלמידי סלאבאדקא לביתי לדבר דברי תורה, וראיתים בלי זקן ופיאות ומגדלי בלורית, אמרתי להם על הכתוב (שיר השירים ב, יד) הראיני את מראיך (צלם אלקים על פי התורה. ואחר כך) השמיעיני את קולך בדברי תורה. אבל כשהוא ההיפך לא אדבר עמכם, ודחיתים כי הם באמת מחריבי קרתא קדישא. וכן יעשה גם הדר״ת להזהיר לאנשי שלומו ויראי אלקים להתרחק מישיבתם, אבל לא לצאת עתה בקול רעש מטעם הנ"ל עכתד"ה.
The 2003 edition censors this passage and simply writes:

בהיות רבינו שליט״א בתוככי ירושלים באו אליו גדולים חקרי לב מהרבנים החרדים שם ליהנות ממנו עצה ותושיה כדת מה לעשות על דבר פרצה מיוחדת שנפרצה בעיר ה׳. ושאל רבנו להסבא קדישא מה לעשות במחיצת כרם בית ישראל שנפרצה. וענה לו הסבא קדישא כי יש לחוש וכו'על כן שב ואל תעשה עדיף כעת...

וכן סיפר הסבא קדיש אל רבינו כשבאו תלמידי ישיבה מסוימתלביתי לדבר דברי תורה, וראיתים בלי זקן ופיאות ומגדלי בלורית, אמרתי להם על הכתוב (שיר השירים ב, יד) הראיני את מראיך (צלם אלקים על פי התורה. ואחר כך) השמיעיני את קולך בדברי תורה. אבל כשהוא ההיפך לא אדבר עמכם, ודחיתים כי הם באמת מחריבי קרתא קדישא. וכן יעשה גם הדר״ת להזהיר לאנשי שלומו ויראי אלקים להתרחק מהם, אבל לא לצאת עתה בקול רעש, עד כאן תורף דבריו הקדושים.

There is no reason to suspect that this was done to protect the identity of R. Kook, because this edition shows little sympathy for R. Kook, in fact in the preceding paragraphs dealing with R. Alfandari’s opposition to R. Kook, the Chief Rabbinate[16], and even to Agudath Israel, nothing is omitted and the material is buttressed with lengthy footnotes detailing all the letters written by various Rabbis opposing Zionism in general and the Chief Rabbinate in particular. It is obvious that sensitivities for the Slabodka Yeshiva are at the root of this censorship. This is also why the next passage (from p. 88a), which I am loath to reproduce here, detailing R. Alfandari’s assessment of R. M.M. Epstein and R. Kook is also omitted in the 2003 edition.

Needless to say the English edition not only follows lead of the 2003 edition in censoring the Slabodka passages but also omits all of the anti R. Kook passages such as this one, from p. 229 in the 2003 edition:

כשבאו אליו אח"כ אנשים גם רבנים או אדמורי״ם שבאו לא"י, ושמע שהיו אצל ׳קוק׳ רב חראשי של המשרד חציונית והחפשים, לא אבה לקבלם להכניסם לביתו, ואמר הלא כבר היה אצל קוק[17]ומה יחפצו ממני, ומדוע אתם פוסחים על שתי חסעיפים.

Gone too are the following statements regarding Agudath Israel attributed to R. Alfandari, and with them a possible window into the special relationship he shared with the Munkaczer:

פעם אחד שאלו אותו לחוות דעתו בענין האגודה. והשיב שאין חילוק בין הציונים והמזרחים והאגודים רק בשמא, וחוט המקיף את כולם הוא הכסף והשתררות ולא כבוד שמים. על כן היה אוהב מאוד כששמע מצדיק ואדמו״ר אשר לא כרע לבעל לשום אחת מהמפלגות וכתות הנזכרים לעיל, ואדרבה מוחה בהם ומקנא קנאת ה׳ צבאות. ואמר כי מדה זו אהוב לו מן הכל ועולה על כולנה יותר מבקיאות התורה והפלגה בחסידות וזכות אבות,אם כי רב הוא.

Understandably, the English speaking audience this book is intended for is not as virulently anti-Zionist as the Munkacz/Satmar Hasidic base that the Hebrew edition was intended for and certainly wouldn’t countenance any anti-Agudah sentiments and therefore excised the more extreme passages from its translation. It is therefore all the more surprising that the following passage got by the careful eye of the censor and made it into the English edition on P. 178:

We found out that the main reason they did not keep their word was because they were afraid of their rabbi and leader, Yaakov Maier, a member of the official rabbinate, which the Sabba Kaddisha strenuously opposed. Immediately after the Sabba Kaddisha’s demise the zealous Torah scholars of Jerusalem warned Yaakov Maier not to come eulogize him.

Obviously they did not realize that despite R. Yaakov Meir’s affiliation with the Rabbinate as the Sephardic Rishon L’zion, nevertheless he was widely respected by virtually all segments of orthodox Jewry[18]. Indeed another popular Artscroll biography actually lauds R. Yaakov Meir for forging a close connection with Jerusalem’s Ultra-Orthodox Eidah Hachareidit and working together with them on various occasions.[19]Most likely, the American proofreader did not know who this famous Israeli-Sephardic personality was and thus allowed this disrespectful passage though.

In conclusion

The biographical information available on R. Alfandari is sparse, and precious little of it pertains to the bulk of his life before his move to Jerusalem in his final decade. There is certainly much more to the picture we could gain from a fuller biography of his life, also taking into perspective the vastly different milieu that he sprouted from. Yet, the detailed picture we have from the period of the Munkaczer’s visit certainly is an accurate portrayal of at least one dimension of his great personality. As I have demonstrated, the reader is best served consulting the original version where possible to obtain a more complete and accurate snapshot of this historic encounter.

In the case of R. Alfandari, this sort of contest for understanding and presenting his legacy is a testament to his greatness, his broad appeal, and to his own multi-faceted personality. He is certainly worthy of further in-depth study, and a full-length professional biography would certainly give us much to learn from and be inspired. However, this will only be true if the study is free of the constraints of bias and preconceived notions. 



[1] It is difficult to pinpoint his exact year of birth and many different dates have been given. Masa’ot Yerushalayim, on the basis of a statement of R. Shlomo Eliezer regarding his involvement in the Damascus Blood Libel of 1840, assumes that he had to have been born at least by 1810 and thereby making him 120 years old at the time of his death in 1930. In Ohalei Shem (pinsk 1912) p. 507 he is mistakenly referred to as ר' חיים(!) מירקאדו אלפנדרי,and this has caused many to overlook his entry there, but there it states that he was born in 1846. Most sources give 1826 as the year of his birth.
[2] This quality was unique even among Ashkenazic Rabbis of that era but certainly among the Sephardic Rabbis. See what R. Yosef-Zundel of Salant had to say about his Sephardic contemporaries in Ha-tzaddik R. Yosef Zundel M’Salant p. 37 to wit 'רבני הספרדים שיחיו...אעפ"י שהם ת"ח וצדיקים אכן אין הם יודעים מעניני האשכנזים כלל... ודאי כוונתם לש"ש אמנם יותר טוב היה להם השתיקה ולא להתערב בעניני האשכנזים' .
[3] His name has understandably been misunderstood and misspelled by Ashkenazic writers. See for example: Mara D’ara Yisrael vol. 2 page 201 where he is addressed as כמהר"ר אלעזר מלכאדו אלפנדרי.
[4] In fact, the Hida writes in glosses to Sefer Hasidim (Brit Olam ad. loc.): 'בראותי דברי רבנו הנאני דכך נוהגים במדינת תוגרמה ומתקיימים ונמצא שרש הענין בדברי רבנו ז"ל'. See also the other sources referenced in R. Margolies edition. R. Eliezer Brodt pointed out that some Ashkenazic scholars have also followed the advice of Sefer Hasidim, such as the Aderet; see his Seder Eliyahu p. 30.
[5] The practice of calling a child by anything other than his given surname may seem strange today but it had a parallel among Sephardim not too long ago, where many firstborns were called “B’chor” to the point of where his official surname was all but forgotten. See Keter Shem Tov (Keidan 1934) vol. 1 p. 680 where he writes: 'המנהג בא"י וסת"מ כשנולד בן בכור, מלבד שם העריסה, קוראין אותו בשם "בכור" ולנקבה "בכורה", ושם העריסה משתקע לגמרי. ואם יש לו משרה דתית קוראים לו רבי בכור, חכם בכור, או האדון בכור'.
[6] Including articles in these two publications here and here. The latter article by R. Aharon Surasky was later expanded and included in his Orot Hamizrach.
[7] This section was printed recently as the introduction to a new work of R. Alfandari’s published from manuscript by Ahavat Shalom (2011), as part of new initiative to publish more of his writings, called Yakhel Shlomo. Surprisingly, they attribute the article to the noted Jerusalem Kabbalist R. Yeshaya Asher Zelig Margolies. I am not sure how they could have made that mistake since it was clearly part of R. Goldstein’s work although he does credit R. Margolies, among others, for providing him with valuable information on R. Alfandari.
[8] See here.
[9] See here. The language used by R. Goldstein is too similar to that of Shalshelet Hakabbalah to be a coincidence and it is therefore surprising that he gave such a vague reference. The story is also recounted in Divrei Yosef (Jerusalem 2011) p. 81 with regards to R. Shlomo Ibn Gabirol.
[10] In the edition published by Machon Haktav (Jerusalem 2001) available here they have corrected it but leave no clue as to on what basis they did so. The legend itself has been shown to be inaccurate. See Yeshurun 25 pp. 769-770 and also R. Eliezer Brodt’s fine article here.
[11] The prologue to the English edition, basing itself on the Hebrew תשסד, mistakenly claims it was published in 2004.
[12] Available here.
[13]Some of which just don’t make any sense, such as this one (from the English edition p. 152): ‘Rabbeinu David ibn Zimra, who taught much Torah and had many great students. He wrote over 2000 halachic rulings, of which only 300 were printed.’ I can’t figure out what is the basis for this statement as there are actually well over 2000 responsa printed from the Radvaz.
[14] R. E. M. Reich pointed out that in Toldot Chachmei Yerushalayim vol. 3 p. 10, the author states that although according to folklore the two women buried adjacent to the Ohr Hachaim were יבמות, in reality they were his two wives. Interestingly enough, the account in Masa’ot Yerushalayim mentions three women altogether. It would seem that Toldot Chachmei Yerushalayim is the source for this change as you can tell by looking at the interesting footnote in the 2003 ed. (ad. loc.) which was lifted straight from Toldot Chachmei Yerushalayim. To wit: מקובל כי הן .היו נשים גדולות ומופלאות במעשיהן, ומנהגיהן היה להתעטף בטלית ולהתלבש בתפלין על דרך שאיתא במיכל בת שאולThe only difference is that in Toldot Chachmei Yerushalayim this is only reported with regards to the second of his two wives. See also R. Rueven Margolies’ Toldot R. Chaim ibn Attar pp 45-46. Interestingly, he records an unsubstantiated report that there were four יבמות in addition to the two wives.
[15] It is noteworthy that R. Dov Cohen, a Slobodka student at that time, reported that the transition to Jerusalem was smooth ‘and almost completely devoid of any opposition’. See his memoirs: Vayelchu Shneihem Yachdav (Feldheim 2009) p. 250.
[16] R. Alfandari was so opposed to the Rabbinate that when he heard that R. Tzvi Pesah Frank, who had been close with him, had become involved with the Rabbinate, he remarked that it was 'חמץ שנמצא בפסח'. I heard this from a descendant of R. Asher Zelig Margolies.
[17]It is instructive that in a written correspondence reproduced on p. 228 of the 2003 ed., R. Alfandari refers to R. Kook respectfully as הר' מהרא"י קוק ה"י even when disagreeing with him sharply. It may be the zealotry of R. Goldstein who saw fit to leave out the honorifics in this quotation.
[18] To be sure, his appointment to this position after the death R. Elyashar in 1906, was not without controversy, as many favored R. Elyashar’s son to succeed him over the Alliance-trained and Zionist-inclined R. Yaakov Meir. In some cases he proved himself to be too right-wing for some factions, such as when he opposed the Vaad Ha’leumi for giving women the right to vote. See B’toch Hachomot(Jerusalem 1948) pp. 334-335.
[19] See Guardian of Jerusalem (Artscroll 1983) p. 401.

Rav Kook’s Missing Student

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Rav Kook’s Missing Student[1]
by Bezalel Naor
Recent years have seen a breakthrough regarding the elusive identity of “Monsieur Chouchani,” the mysterious vagabond who in the capacity of mentor, exerted such an incredibly profound effect upon the Nobel-laureate novelist Elie Wiesel as well as the philosopher Emmanuel Levinas in the post-war, post-Holocaust years in France. I am referring to the identification of Chouchani as none other than Hillel Pearlman, an early student of Rav Kook in his short-lived Jaffa Yeshivah.[2]

Pivotal to the identification (which we shall not enter into here) is a letter that Rav Kook penned from exile in St. Gallen, Switzerland to two students of the Yeshivah. We offer the letter in English translation:

With the help of God

6 Tishri 5676 [i.e., 1915]

A good conclusion[3]to my beloved soul-friends, each man according to his blessing,[4]the dear “groom,” the Rabbi, sharp and encyclopedic, crowned with rare qualities and character traits, our teacher Rabbi Hillel, may his light shine; and the dear “groom,” exceptional in Torah and awe of heaven, modest and crowned with rare character traits, Mr. Meir, may his light shine.

Peace! Peace! Blessing with abundant love.

My dear friends, for too, too long I delayed the response to your dear letter. In your goodness you will give me the benefit of the doubt. Only as a result of the preoccupation brought on by the pain of exile and the heart’s longing produced by the general situation (God have mercy), were things put off.

Many thanks to you, our dear Mr. Meir, for your detailed letter, whereby you deigned in your goodness to write to us in detail the state of our family members in the Holy Land, especially the state of the girls, may they live.[5]May the Lord repay your kindness and gladden your soul with every manner of happiness and success, and may we together rejoice in the joy of the Land of Delight upon the holy soil, when the Lord will grant salvation to His world, His land and His inheritance, speedily, speedily, soon.

And you, my beloved Mr. Hillel, all power to you for your dear words, upright words pronounced with proper feeling and the longing of a pure heart. We are standing opposite a great and powerful vision previously unknown in human history. There is no doubt that changes of great value are hidden in the depths of this world vision. There is also no doubt that the hand of Israel through the spirit, the voice of Jacob,[6]must be revealed here. Far be it from us to treat as false all the deeds and events, the longing for general life, that we experienced the past years. As much as they are mixed with impurities; as much as they failed to assume their proper form, their living description, their true life—we see in them in the final analysis, correspondence to the holy vision, unmistakable signs that things are happening according to a higher plan. The hand of the Lord holds them, to pave a way for His people, weary from its multitudinous troubles, and also for His world, crouching under the weight of confused life.

It is certainly difficulty at this time to trace which is the way of the process, but in this respect we may be certain: The terrible wandering of such great and essential portions of our nation residing in Eastern Europe, where the spiritual life of Israel is concentrated, and the necessity of rebuilding physically and spiritually new communities, educational institutions and Torah academies—will bring numerous new results, certainly for good. From those new winds that have been blowing in our world for the past half-century and more, something is to be derived, if we can purify them, erecting them upon foundations of purity and holiness. The opinions and longing for spiritual and physical building of Israel; the mighty desire of building the Land and the Nation, despite external and internal obstacles; the visions tucked away in the hearts of numerous thinkers to uplift the horn of Israel and its spirit, to bind together the strength of life with the sanctity of the soul, the talent of understanding with the depth of faith, immediate implementation with longing for salvation—all these are things that will bear fruit, and the Master of Wars, blessed be He, will grow from all of them His salvation.[7]
One thing we know for certain, that we are invited to great projects: philosophic projects; literary and publicistic projects; practical and social projects; projects at the interior of eternal life and projects of temporal and secular life; projects that remain within the border of Israel; and projects that overflow and touch the streams of life of the world at large and their many relations with the world of Israel, which was, is, and will be a blessing to all the families of earth,[8]as the word of the Lord to our ancestor [Abraham] in antiquity.

My beloved, I request that you write to us whatever is [happening] to you, your situation in detail, whether in spiritual or material matters; whatever you imagine might interest us, whether of private or public affairs. For all I will be exceedingly grateful to you, with God’s help.

I am your fast friend, looking for your happiness and success, and your return together with all our scattered people to the holy soil in happiness and success. May the Lord bless you with all good and extend to you peace and blessing and a good conclusion, as is your wish and the wish of one who seeks your peace and good all the days, longing for the salvation of the Lord,

Abraham Isaac Ha[Kohen] K[ook][9]

In order to understand the contents of the letter, the better to grasp the identities of its two recipients, we must first acquaint ourselves with the circumstances in which it was written.

For one decade, from 1904 to 1914, Abraham Isaac Hakohen Kook served as Rabbi of the port city of Jaffa (precursor to Tel-Aviv). During those years in Jaffa he taught a select group of students in a yeshivah of his own making. (This yeshivah is not to be confused with the famous Yeshivah Merkaz Harav founded by Rav Kook in Jerusalem in the early 1920s.) In summer of 1914, Rav Kook set sail for Europe to attend the Knessiyah Gedolah or World Congress of the recently organized Agudath Israel movement. Due to the outbreak of World War One (on Tish’ah be-Av of that year), the conference was cancelled. Unable to return to Jaffa, Rav Kook remained stranded in Europe for the duration of the War, first in St. Gallen, Switzerland, where his needs were provided for by a sympathetic Mr. Abraham Kimhi, and later in London, where Rav Kook served as Rabbi of the Mahzikei Hadat synagogue in London’s East End.[10]

Much concerning the Jaffa yeshivah remains shrouded in mystery. No archive remains of this short-lived institution.[11]Thus we are pretty much left in the dark as to the curriculum,[12]enrollment, and even location. Fortunately, significant headway has been made in this direction in the recent article by Moshe Nahmani of the Yeshivat Hesder of Ramat Gan, “She’areha Ne’ulim—Yeshivat Harav Kuk be-Yaffo” (“Closed Gates—The Yeshivah of Rabbi Kook in Jaffa”).[13]Through painstaking research, the author was able to put together a list of students. Researchers had no difficulty identifying the “Hillel” of the letter as Hillel Pearlman. It was merely a case of “connecting the dots.”[14]But Nahmani was baffled by the “Meir” who is one of two co-addressees in our letter.[15]

I believe that I have solved the mystery of the missing Meir. In 1977, I was a visitor to the home of Rabbi Mayer Goldberg of Oakland, California. Rabbi Goldberg was a successful businessman (at that time in real estate) and a Jewish philanthropist, especially supportive of yeshivot or rabbinical academies. Rabbi Goldberg revealed to me that he had studied under Rabbi Kook in Jaffa.[16] He then went on to share with me a teaching of Rav Kook that I have since repeated on many an occasion. He said that before being exposed to Rav Kook’s teaching, the term “yir’at shamayim” (“fear of heaven”) had only a restrictive, narrowing connotation. Rav Kook explained the term in a totally different light. By the term “yir’at shamayim,” Rav Kook conveyed to his young listeners the vastness, the enormity, the infinitude of the universe.

Reading Moshe Nachmani’s article concerning Rav Kook’s yeshivah in Jaffa, and his bafflement as to the full identity of the student named simply “Meir,” I recalled my meeting with Rabbi Mayer Goldberg. I resolved that during my forthcoming visit to the East Bay area (as it has come to be known) I would meet with the late Rabbi’s children to learn from them more details of their father’s involvement with Rav Kook. What emerged from our discussion (conducted on February 14, 2013) is the following reconstruction of events.

Mayer Vevrick was born circa 1890 “near Kiev.”[17]At some time before World War One, Mayer boarded a ship from Odessa to Jaffa. In the words of his daughter Rachel Landes:

Once he arrived in Jaffa, he sought out the yeshiva of Rabbi Kook. Rabbi Avraham Kook was a world renowned scholar and it was there my father headed to study further. He became a “hasid,” a follower of the Rabbi, and thoroughly enjoyed his studies there. He lived in Rabbi Kook’s home.[18]He studied Talmud…with Rashi and the commentaries, for many hours a day with the other young men. These were the happiest days of his life, with uninterrupted Torah study, and the joy of learning with Rabbi Kook. Mayer adopted [Rabbi] Kook’s philosophy and was guided by it for the rest of his life.[19]

In World War One, Mayer left Jaffa for Egypt. There he was held by the British in an internment camp. Eventually, with some ingenuity, he was able to book passage on a boat to the United States.[20]Initially he resided on the East Coast. In Boston, he received a ketav semikha (writ of ordination) from Rabbi [Joseph M.] Jacobson. The semikhawas written by Rabbi Jacobson on the spot in recognition of Mayer’s knowledge of Torah.[21] Later, Rabbi Mayer relocated to the West Coast, first to Washington State and finally to California.[22]

What becomes apparent from the letter of Rav Kook is that “Meir” remained in Jaffa after Rav Kook’s departure for Europe (followed almost immediately by the outbreak of World War One), and thus was in a position to give the Rav an update on the welfare of his daughters left behind in Jaffa. What also becomes apparent, is that in the Fall of 1915, “Meir” and his companion Hillel were no longer in the Land of Israel but somewhere else, for in his concluding remarks Rav Kook expresses the wish that they return to the Holy Land. This is consistent with Rabbi Goldberg’s biography, whereby he (along with countless other Jews of Erets Israel) was forced to flee the Holy Land at that time.[23]This also coincides with the reconstructed biography of Hillel (Pearlman). Both students of Rav Kook, Hillel (Pearlman) and Meir (Goldberg) ended up in the United States in World War One. Whereas we are being told that Hillel (Pearlman) later left the United States for Europe and North Africa, reinventing himself as the mysterious “Monsieur Chouchani,” Mayer Goldberg remained in the United States.

Rabbi Mayer Goldberg passed away on September 25, 1992, a centenarian.[24]Shortly before his passing, Rabbi Goldberg had published in Jerusalem a collection of kabbalistic insights (culled from his marginalia in the books of his library), entitled Margaliyot shel Torah (Pearls of Torah). Much of the material in the book is attributed to the kabbalistic work Yalkut Reubeni.[25] My attention was riveted to an unattributed piece, which would appear to originate with Rabbi Mayer Goldberg himself:

In Exodus 2:12 we read that Moses slew the Egyptian (who was beating a Hebrew) and buried him in the sand. The Hebrew words are: "Vayyakh et ha-mitsri vayitmenehu ba-hol."

Rabbi Goldberg observes that the word "ha-mitsri" ("the Egyptian") has the same numerical value (gematria) as the word "Moshe" ("Moses"). In other words, Moses slew himself! The Rabbi then goes on to explain that what is truly conveyed by the verse, is that Moses slew the opinions of Egypt. Moses, growing up in the house of Pharaoh, had imbibed secular knowledge stripped of Godliness. So in other words, on a deeper level, what Moses was actually slaying was himself, or a part of himself that was thoroughly Egyptian in outlook. He then buried that secular learning devoid of Godliness "in the sand." Here the Rabbi plays on the word "hol,"which may have another meaning beside "sand": the secular. This is to say, Moses buried that tainted learning in the secular realm.[26]

Mayer Goldberg in youth:



































Rabbi Mayer Goldberg in rabbinic attire:







































©2013 by Bezalel Naor
[1] The writer wishes to express his gratitude to Eve Gordon-Ramek and Robert H. Warwick, children of the late Rabbi Mayer Goldberg, for their invaluable contribution to the preparation of this article.
[2] Prof. Shalom Rosenberg, former Professor of Jewish Philosophy at Hebrew University in Jerusalem, who was present at the time of Chouchani’s death in Uruguay, was so convinced of the identification that he named his son “Hillel” after his revered master. See Moshe Nahmani, “Mi Kan Hillel,” Mussaf Shabbat, Makor Rishon, 3 Ellul, 5771 [2.9.2011]; Yair Sheleg, “Goodbye, Mr. Chouchani,” Haaretz, Sept. 26, 2003; Solomon Malka, Monsieur Chouchani: L’énigme d’un maitre du XXème siècle (Paris, 1994). Recently, a website has been devoted exclusively  to Chouchani. At www.chouchani.com we are told that a film is being produced of the life of Mr. Shushani!
I have two anecdotes to contribute to the growing literature on Chouchani, the first heard from Prof. Andre Neher (1914-1988), the second from Rabbi Uziel Milevsky (former Chief Rabbi of Mexico).
·        My dear friend Andre (Asher Dov) Neher z”l had been a distinguished professor of Jewish studies at the University of Strasburg. I knew him in his last years after his retirement to Jerusalem. Neher told me that in his youth, his father had hired Chouchani to teach him Talmud. At their initial meeting it was decided that they would study Tractate Beitsah. Chouchani said to the young Neher: “In the next hour I can either teach you the first folio of the Tractate, or sum up for you the entire Tractate!”
·        Similarly, in the final phase of Chouchani’s career (in Montevideo, Uruguay), Rabbi Aaron Milevsky (1904-1986), Chief Rabbi of Uruguay, hired Chouchani to tutor his young son Uzi in Talmud. Chouchani rewarded Uzi’s diligence by allowing him to quiz him on any entry in the dictionary. Uzi asked Chouchani for the Latin name of some obscure butterfly, which Chouchani was able to supply without hesitation! (Heard from Rabbi Nachum Lansky of Baltimore, shelit”a, quoting Rabbi Uziel Milevsky z”l.)

At the onset of this article I wish to clarify one point. Should the identification of Hillel Pearlman with “Monsieur Chouchani” one day prove incorrect, that would in no way affect the positive identification of Rav Kook’s addressee “Meir” as Rabbi Mayer Goldberg of Oakland, California. The identification of the mysterious “Meir” as Rabbi Meir Goldberg is in no way contingent upon the identification of Hillel Pearlman as “Chouchani,” but rather stands on its own merits.
[3] Traditional blessing for the New Year uttered between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.
[4] Cf. Genesis 49:28.
[5] While Rav Kook and his Rebbetzin (as well as their only son Tsevi Yehudah) were together in Europe, their daughters were left behind in Jaffa, and Rav Kook was most anxious as to their welfare. The family would not be reunited until after World War One, when Rav Kook returned from European exile to the Holy Land.
[6] Genesis 27:22.
[7] Allusion to the conclusion of the Yotser prayer recited in the morning service: “ba’al milhamot, zore’a tsedakot, matsmi’ah yeshu’ot” (“Master of wars, Planter of righteousness, Grower of salvations”). A year into World War One, Rav Kook already envisioned that the outcome of the War would be a shifting of the center of Jewish life from Eastern Europe elsewhere, as well as the further advancement of the building of the Holy Land.
[8] Genesis 12:3.
[9]Igrot ha-Rayah, Vol. III (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1965), Letter 740 (pp. 2-3).
[10] Mr. Jacob Rosenheim, organizer of the Knessiyah Gedolah, subsequently penned a letter of apology to Rav Kook, for by extending the invitation to him to attend the conference, Rosenheim had indirectly brought about Rav Kook’s misfortune.
[11] Moshe Nahmani posits that it existed for 6-7 years from 1909/10-1915.
[12] We do know that one subject on the curriculum, namely Kuzari by Rabbi Judah Halevi, aroused the ire of the Jerusalem zealot Rabbi Isaiah Orenstein. See my translation of Orot(Spring Valley, NY: Orot, 2004), p. 236, n. 169.
[13] Available on the website www.shoresh.org.il, dated 4/17/2012 or 25 Nissan, 5772.
According to Moshe Nahmani, the true reason that so little is known of this earlier yeshivah of Rav Kook is that Rav Kook himself suppressed publicity concerning its inner life, for fear that should word of the curriculum leak out, the yeshivah would come under attack from the ever vigilant rabbis of Jerusalem. (In fact, Rav Kook’s teaching of Kuzari to the students was sharply criticized by the zealous Rabbi Isaiah Orenstein of Jerusalem.) Nahmani believes that Rav Kook was dispensing the arcane wisdom of Kabbalah to the students—sufficient grounds for keeping publicity away from the yeshivah. (But the Kabbalah may not have been the standard Kabbalah as taught in Jerusalem. We know that one of the instructors in the yeshivah was Shem Tov Geffen (1856-1927), an autodidactic genius who fused the study of Kabbalah together with mathematics and physics.) Of course, this is speculation on Nahmani’s part. What is factual, is that Rav Kook taught in Jaffa the Kuzari of Rabbi Judah Halevi and Maimonides’ Eight Chapters (Maimonides’ introduction to his commentary to Tractate Avot or Ethics of the Fathers)—which in themselves represented a departure from the standard curriculum of the contemporary yeshivot.
[14] In one day, 26 Iyyar, 5675, Rav Kook sent two letters from St. Gallen to America (Igrot ha-Rayah, Vol. II [Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook, 1961], Letters 733-734 [pp. 329-330]). The first letter is addressed to Rabbi Meir Berlin asking that he lend assistance to Rav Kook’s student, newly arrived immigrant Hillel Pearlman. The second letter is addressed to Hillel Pearlman himself, expressing pain that he too was exiled from the Holy Land, and offering encouragement, as well as the practical suggestion that he establish contact with Rabbi Meir Berlin, and with Rav Kook’s staunch friend Dr. Moshe Seidel, who might be in a position to help. In a postscript Rav Kook, noting that Hillel Perlman had spent some time in the house after Rav Kook’s own absence, asks for details concerning the welfare of the two Kook daughters left behind in Jaffa, Batyah Miriam and Esther Yael. Logic dictates that our Hillel is Hillel Pearlman of the earlier letters. What eventually became of Hillel Perlman and whether he in fact “morphed“ into “Monsieur Chouchani” remains something of a mystery. See Moshe Nahmani, “Mi Kan Hillel?”
[15]“She’areha Ne’ulim—Yeshivat Harav Kuk be-Yaffo,” Part II, note 51. So too in Nahmani’s earlier article “Mi Kan Hillel?”
[16] He told this writer that before arriving in Jaffa from his native Russia, he had studied under the “Gadol of Minsk.”

According to the memoir of Rabbi Goldberg’s daughter, Rachel Landes, “My Father, Mayer Goldberg” (October 15, 2009), her father grew up in Krementchug, Ukraine. She also writes that at one point in his career, her father studied in a Yeshivah Gedolah under Rabbi Zimmerman. Though Landes does not specify that the Yeshivah was located in Krementchug (to the contrary she writes that the Yeshivah was in Kiev), one ventures a guess that this Yeshivah of Rabbi Zimmerman was actually that of Rabbi Abraham Isaac Halevi Zimmerman, Rabbi of Krementchug. The latter was the father-in-law of Rabbi Baruch Baer Leibowitz (famed student of Rabbi Hayyim Halevi Soloveitchik, known as “Rabbi Hayyim of Brisk,” and himself Rosh Yeshivah of Knesset Beit Yitzhak, first located in Slabodka, and between the two World Wars in Kamenetz) and grandfather of Rabbi Dr. Aharon Chaim Halevi Zimmerman (1915-1995), Rosh Yeshivah of Beit ha-Midrash le-Torah (Hebrew Theological College) in Skokie, Illinois. (Rabbi Dr. Zimmerman's father, Rabbi Ya'akov Moshe Halevi Zimmerman was the son of Rabbi Abraham Isaac Halevi Zimmerman of Krementchug.) But again, this is mere conjecture on my part.
[17] According to Rachel Landes’ memoir, her father was born in Krementchug. In his Application for a Certificate of Arrival and Preliminary Form for Petition for Naturalization (1940), Mayer writes that he was born in “[illegible] near Kiev.” Mayer adopted the surname “Goldberg” in the United States.
[18] The fact that Meir (or Mayer) resided in the Kook home would explain how he was able to supply Rav Kook with information concerning the Rav’s daughters. Nahmani noted that Rav Kook had earlier asked Hillel Perlman for details concerning the girls, the assumption being that Hillel Perlman had resided in the Rav’s home (though that is not explicitly stated in Rav Kook’s letter to Hillel Pearlman). See Moshe Nahmani, “Mi Kan Hillel?”
[19] Rachel Landes, “My Father, Mayer Goldberg” (2009), p. 2.
[20] According to Mayer Warwick Goldberg’s Application for a Certificate of Arrival and Preliminary Form for Petition for Naturalization (1940), he booked passage on a Greek steamship from Alexandria, Egypt to New York under the assumed name “Othniel Kaplan” in Spring of 1915 or 1916. Writing twenty-five years after the fact, Mayer could no longer recall the precise date, whether the arrival in New York had taken place in Spring of 1915 or Spring of 1916. We are in a position now to aid his memory. We know from Rav Kook’s letters to Rabbi Meir Berlin and to Hillel Pearlman, both datelined “St. Gallen, 26 Iyyar 5675,” that as of Spring 1915, Hillel Perlman was in America. In order for Rav Kook’s letter of 6 Tishri, 5676 to be addressed jointly to Hillel and Meir, Meir too would have had to reside in America by Fall of 1915. That could only be so if Meir (or Mayer) arrived in New York in Spring of 1915—not 1916!
[21] The fact that Rav Kook does not address Meir by the title “Harav” in the salutation (as he does Hillel) indicates that Meir was not yet an ordained rabbi in the Fall of 1915.
[22] According to information supplied in his 1940 Application for…Naturalization, Mayer resided in New York City and Brooklyn from 1916 to 1917; in New Haven and Colchester, Connecticut from 1917 to 1919; in Seattle and Tacoma, Washington from 1919 to 1922; in San Francisco from 1922 to 1930; and in Oakland from 1930 to 1940.
[23] To quote from Rachel Landes’ memoir (p. 2): “…World War I broke out. The Turks, who were in control of Palestine, sided with Germany, and Russia was on the side of the Allies. My father, being from Russia, found himself classified as an enemy alien. The Turks began to round up all foreign nationals. It became clear that my father could not stay there.”
[24] At the 24thAnnual Banquet of the Hebrew Academy of San Francisco, held on Sunday, December 6, 1992, a moving tribute was paid to the recently departed Rabbi Mayer Goldberg.
[25]Yalkut Reubeni(Wilmersdorf, 1681), by Reuben Hoshke HaKohen (Sofer) of Prague (died 1673), is a kabbalistic collection on the Pentateuch.
[26] Rabbi Mayer Goldberg, Margaliyot shel Torah (Jerusalem, 5750), p. 112. The Hebrew original reads:
ויך – 36 כמנין ל"ו כריתות [משנה, כריתות א, א], משה כרת את המצרי, כרת את החיצונים, ויטמינם בחולין. המצרי שהרג משה – הדעות של מצרים שמשה למד, חיצוניות בלי אלוהות –הרג וטמן בחולין, כי מש"ה בגימטריא המצר"י.

Deciphering the Talmud: The First English Edition of the Talmud Revisited. Michael Levi Rodkinson: His Translation of the Talmud, and the Ensuing Controversy

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In honor of the publication of Marvin J. Heller’s new book, Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), the Seforim Blog is happy to present this abridgment of chapter 13.
                                                                                                                   
Deciphering the Talmud: The First English Edition of the Talmud Revisited.
      Michael Levi Rodkinson: His Translation of the Talmud, and the Ensuing Controversy     

Marvin J. Heller

The Talmud, the quintessential Jewish book, is a challenging work.  A source of Bible interpretation, halakhah, ethical values, and ontology, often described as a sea, it is a comprehensive work that encompasses all aspects of human endeavor.  Rabbinic Judaism is inconceivable without the Talmud.  Jewish students traditionally followed an educational path beginning in early childhood that culminated in Talmud study, an activity that continued for the remainder of the adult male’s life.

That path was never easy.  The Talmud is a complex and demanding work, its complexity compounded by the fact that it is, to a large extent, written in Aramaic, the language of the Jews in the Babylonian exile, spoken in the Middle East for a millennium, and used in the redaction of the Talmud.  Jews living outside of the Middle East, and even there after Aramaic ceased to be a spoken language, found approaching the Talmud a daunting task.  Talmud study was, for many, excepting scholars steeped in Talmudic literature, a difficult undertaking, made all the more so by its language and structure.  After the Enlightenment, when large numbers of Jews received less intensive Jewish educations, these impediments to Talmud study became more prevalent.

Elucidation of the text was accomplished through commentaries, most notably that of R. Solomon ben Isaac (Rashi, 1040-1105).  Within his commentary there are numerous instances in which Rashi explains a term in medieval French, his vernacular.  In the modern period, another solution to the language problem presented itself for those who required more than the explanation of difficult terms, that is, the translation of the text of the Talmud into the vernacular.

There have been several such translations of Mishnayot and parts of or entire tractates beginning in the sixteenth century. It was not, however, until 1891 that a complete Talmudic tractate was translated into English. In that year, the Rev. A. W. Streane, “Fellow and Divinity and Hebrew Lecturer, of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and Formerly Tyrwhitt’s Hebrew Scholar,” published an English edition of tractate Hagigah. A scholarly work, the translation, in 124 pages, is accompanied by marginal references to biblical passages and, at the bottom of the page, notes. The volume concludes with a glossary, indexes of biblical quotations, persons and places, Hebrew words, and a general index.

All that was available in English from the Talmud in the last decade of the nineteenth century were fragmentary portions of tractates, Mishnaic treatises, and Streane’s translation of Hagigah.  At that time an effort was begun to translate a substantial portion of the Talmud into English. The subject of this paper is that pioneer effort to produce an English edition of the Talmud.  This paper addresses the background of that translation, the manner in which it was undertaken, and its reception.  It is also concerned with the translator’s motivation and his qualifications for undertaking such an ambitious project.  The paper does not, however, critique the translation, that having been done, and done well, as we shall see, in contemporary appraisals of  the first English Talmud.

The effort to provide English speakers with a Talmud was undertaken by Michael Levi Rodkinson (1845-1904), whose background and outlook made him an unlikely aspirant for such a project.  Rodkinson, a radical proponent of haskalah, proposed to translate the entire Talmud, not only to making it accessible to English speakers, but also to transform that “chaotic” work, through careful editing, into “a readable, intelligible work.”

Rodkinson is a fascinating figure, albeit a thorough scoundrel.  He was born to a distinguished Hasidic family; his father was Sender (Alexander) Frumkin (1799-1876) of Shklov, his mother, Radka Hayyah Horowitz (1802-47).  Radka died when Rodkinson was an infant, and he later changed his surname from Frumkin to Rodkinson, that is, Radka’s son.  Some time after, perhaps in his early twenties, Rodkinson became a maskil, with the result that his literary oeuvre encompasses both Hasidic and maskilic works.  Rodkinson’s personal life was disreputable, his peccadilloes including bigamy and other affairs with women.  Subsequently, Rodkinson worked in St. Petersburg as a stock broker and speculator, and sold forged documents, such as military exemptions and travel papers. For these latter offenses Rodkinson was sentenced to a year in prison, three years loss of honor, and fined 1,800 rubles.  To avoid these penalties, Rodkinson fled to Königsberg, Prussia.

In Königsberg Rodkinson edited a journal, the Hebrew weekly, ha-Kol (1876-c.1880), described as representing the “radical and militant tendency of the Haskalah.”  He was also the author of a number of monographs on various Jewish subjects, purporting to explain Jewish religious and ritual practice, although certainly not from a traditional perspective.  The antagonism engendered by these monographs was  intensified by his personality, arousing such hostility, that, together with his ongoing legal entanglements, Rodkinson, in 1889, found it advisable to emigrate to the United States.

That Rodkinson should have left the Hasidic fold, become a maskil, and adhered to a radical ideology is not that unusual. The late nineteenth century was witness to the assimilation or casting off of tradition by large numbers of Jews.  However, that someone of Rodkinson’s outlook should undertake to translate the Talmud into English is certainly unusual and perhaps  even unique.  There is, than, a contradiction between his enlightenment attitudes and personality, and his attempts, through his abridgement and translation, to spread Talmudic studies.  Individual maskilim might, as an intellectual endeavor, continue to study Talmud, but none devoted any effort or energy to bringing the Talmud to a public that had largely distanced itself from that repository of Jewish knowledge. 

Nevertheless, Rodkinson’s goal of translating the Talmud had been, as we are informed in the introduction to Rosh Hashana (sample volume), his dream for twelve years.  He had expressed a “desire to revise and correct the Talmud” as early as 1882 in le-Boker Mishpat, and subsequently in Iggorot Petuhot and Iggorot ha-Talmud (Pressburg, 1885); and Ha-Kol (nos. 298, 299, and 300).  In Iggorot Petuhot (repeated in the Hebrew introduction to Rosh Hashana) Rodkinson describes the incredible multiplicity of rabbinic works since the redaction of the Talmud.  He notes the numerous responsa, which, their great number notwithstanding, have not resolved anything.  The Talmudic page is confused and unclear, due to its many commentaries and cross-references.  Rodkinson states that previous exegetes, such as the Vilna Gaon, R. Akiva Egger, R. Pick, and others, rather than clarifying the page, proliferated works that were printed with the Talmud, adding to the confusion. It is Rodkinson’s intent to remove the shame of the Talmud from Israel and restore the Talmud to its original state.  Thought of this project gives him no rest.  He thinks of it day and night.  He writes, towards the end of Iggorot Petuhot that he will “offer and dedicate the remainder of his days on the altar of this work, it will be the delight of his nights and with it he will complete the hours of the day.  . . . it will give purpose to his life.”

Perhaps Rodkinson’s motivation can be found in the criticism leveled by his opponents, that intellectually, Rodkinson’s weltanschauungwas bifurcated, that is, he suffered from a conflict between his Hasidic past and radical present.  Joseph Kohen-Zedek (1827-1903), author of Sefat Emet, a work harshly critical of Rodkinson, accused him of being “androgynous,” two-faced, “one time he shows his face as a Hasid, the next as a heretic, and should therefore be called Sama’el instead of Michael, for he is a destructive angel.”[1]  More recently, Joseph Dan, writing about Rodkinson’s Hasidic stories, notes that “Michael Ha-Levi-Frumkin Rodkinson is unique in that he was neither a real Hasid nor a real Maskil, . . .”[2]  Abridging, editing, translating, and, most importantly, modernizing the Talmud may have been, for Rodkinson, a means of reconciling these diverse worlds.  The rationale for the abridged translation, “a work that cannot prove financially profitable, and that will probably be productive of much adverse criticism in certain quarters,” is set forth in the English preamble, “A Few Words to the English Reader,” to Rosh Hashana

Since the time of Moses Mendelssohn the Jew has made vast strides forward.  There is to-day no branch of Human activity in which his influence is not felt.  Interesting himself in the affairs of the world, he has been enabled to bring a degree of intelligence and industry to bear upon modern life, that has challenged the admiration of the modern world.  But with the Talmud, it is not so.  That vast encyclopedia of Jewish lore remains as it was.  No improvement has been possible; no progress has been made with it.  Reprint after reprint has appeared, but it has always been called the Talmud Babli, as chaotic as when its canon was originally appointed.  Commentary upon commentary has appeared yet the text of the Talmud has not received that heroic treatment that will alone enable us to say that the Talmud has been improved.[3]

Despite the “venomous vituperation” of the attacks upon it, a more intimate knowledge of that work would demonstrate that the Talmud “is a work of the greatest sympathies, the most liberal impulses, and the widest humanitarianism.”  Many of the phrases for which the Talmud is attacked were not part of that work, but rather “are the latter additions of enemies and ignoramuses.”  How did its present situation come about?

When it is remembered that until it was first printed, that before the canon of the Talmud was fixed in the sixth century, it had been growing for more than six hundred years (the Talmud was in manuscript for eight centuries), that during the whole of that time it was beset by ignorant, unrelenting and bitter foes, that marginal notes were easily added and in after years easily embodied in the text by unintelligent printers, such a theory as here advanced is not at all improbable.[4]

Rodkinson rises to the defense of the Talmud, a work that he feels will be remembered when the Shulkhan Arukh is forgotten, concluding that the best defense is to allow it to “plead its own cause in a modern language.”  Others have attempted to translate it, for example, Pinner and Rawicz, but their attempts were neither correct not readable, precisely because they were only translations.

If it were translated from the original text one would not see the forest for the trees. . . . As it stands in the original it is, therefore, a tangled mass defying reproductions in a modern tongue.  It has consequently occurred to us that in order to enable the Talmud to open its mouth, the text must be carefully edited.  A modern book, constructed on a supposed scientific plan, we cannot make of it, for that would not be the Talmud; but a readable, intelligible work it can be made.  We have, therefore, carefully punctuated the Hebrew text with modern punctuation marks, and have re-edited it by omitting all such irrelevant matter as interrupted the clear and orderly arrangement of the various arguments.  In this way disappears those unnecessary debates within debates, which only serve to confuse and never to enlighten on the question debated. . . .[5]

In the Hebrew introduction Rodkinson writes that the task of restoring the original, or core Talmud should properly be done by a gathering of great sages.  However, there are none today who wish to undertake such a great and burdensome task.  If he would seek their assistance, it would take years to arrive at some unity of purpose, and if this was accomplished, it would take yet more years before anything was done, for they are occupied with other matters.  Furthermore, the rabbinic figures appropriate for this undertaking are a minority of a minority, for “this work is not a matter of wisdom but of action.”[6] Therefore, the project only requires men who know the language and style of the Talmud, a sharp eye and ear, who can distinguish between its various parts and contents.  Such men need not have learned in a bet medrash (rabbinic house of study) or have earned the titles of professor or doctor, nor know Latin or Greek.

Actual publication of “The New Talmud” began in stages.  In 1895, Tract Rosh Hashana (New Year) of the New Babylonian Talmud, Edited, Formulated and Punctuated for the First Time by Michael L. Rodkinson and Translated by Rabbi J. Leonard Levy. . .” appeared, issued in Philadelphia by Charles Sessler, Publisher.  The initial volume, with Hebrew and English text, has the names of subscribers, Opinions, and a Few Words to the English Reader from Rodkinson, all repeated in subsequent parts.

That same year, a sample volume, entitled Tract Rosh Hashana, was published. Despite the fact that the title-page describes it as tract Rosh Hashana, the volume actually consists of sample pages of Rosh Hashana (Hebrew), together with sample pages of other tractates, in both English and Hebrew..

The title-page of the sample volume (1895) notes that it is being “edited, formulated and punctuated for the first time by Michael L. Rodkinson, author of Numerous Theological Works, Formerly Editor of the Hebrew ‘CALL.’” The title-page is followed by subscription information, which may be submitted to any one of eight individuals.  Next are opinions from prominent personalities and Jewish periodicals, not all of which can be printed due to space limitations.  In only two of these opinions do the writers state that they have read the advance sheets.  They are Drs. Szold and Mielziner.The former writes that the Rev. M. L. Rodkinson has “laid before me a number of Hebrew proof sheets of the treatise ‘Berachoth’ and the whole of the treatise ‘Sabbath’ in manuscript,” requesting the work to be read critically, and, if it found favor, to “testify to its merit.”  He continues that he has “very carefully read sixteen chapters of the M.S. of treatise Sabbath and it affords me the greatest pleasure . . . [that it] is of extraordinary merit and value. . . .”  Dr. Mielziner writes that he has “perused some advance sheets . . . and finds his [Rodkinson] work to be very recommendable.”[7]  The remaining endorsements are for the “planned edition,” among them the letters of Prof. Lazarus, of Berlin, and Rev. Friedman, of Vienna, dated July, 1885, written in response to Rodkinson’s Ha-Kolarticles.

The most prominent supporter of the projected translation was Dr. Isaac Mayer Wise (1819-1900), President of Hebrew Union College (HUC), and, from 1889 to his death, president of the Central Conference of American Rabbis.  He writes, in a letter dated January 14, 1895, to an unnamed potential sponsor, “We have the duty to afford him the opportunity to publish one volume. . . . If this volume is what he promises, he will be the man to accomplish the task.”[8]  The “Opinions” are followed by “A Word to the Public,” which informs us that

We have also after 40 years of study and research, supported by frequent consultations with other like-students, corrected many errors, discarded much legendary matter, which we have found, are entirely foreign to the Talmud and its spirit, but have been introduced and “Talmudized” so to speak, through innumerable reprints, unintentional and intentional errors . . . and reduced the Babylonian Talmud from more than 5000 to about 1200 pages.  . . .
The entire cost of publication for the Hebrew and English editions will amount to $7500.00 A sum of gigantic proportions considering our humble means.  Yet we are not the least appalled thereby. . . .[9]

The sample volume concludes with four specimen pages in English of Sabbath, Chapter I; two pages, in Hebrew, of tractate Kiddushin, with Rashi; four pages of sample sheets of “New Year” in English, tractate Rosh Hashana in Hebrew, with Rashi; a long turgid Hebrew introduction; the Hebrew opinions; and a second, brief, Hebrew introduction.

The first volumes of “The New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud” were published in 1896, the last in 1903, followed, that year, by a supplementary volume on the history of the Talmud.

Rodkinson described his approach to translating the text of the Talmud in the Hebrew introduction to Rosh Hashana, and afterwards, in response to criticism, in an article in Ner Ma’aravi, and yet again, translated and in abbreviated form, in The History.  He claims that “in reality we omit nothing of importance of the whole text, in the shape given out by its compilers, and only that which we were certain to have been added by the dislikers of the Talmud for the purpose of degrading it do we omit.”  Omissions fall into seven categories.  Repetitions in both halakhah and aggadah are omitted, whether occurring in several tractates or in only one.  For example, “The discussions in the Gemara are repeated sometimes from one to fifteen times, some of them without any change at all, and some with change of little or no importance.  In our edition we give the discussion only once, in its proper place.”  Long involved discussions, repeated elsewhere, are deleted, with only the conclusion being presented and, “Questions which remain undecided and many of them are not at all practical but only imaginary, and very peculiar too, we omit.”  In some instances Mishnayot are combined.  Concerning aggadic material he repeats his assertion that “any one with common sense, and without partiality, can be found who would deny that such things were inserted by the Talmud haters only for the purpose of ridiculing the Talmud.  It is self evident that in our edition such and numerous similar legends do not find place.”

The groundwork for the translation, as described in the Hebrew introduction to Rosh Hashana, had been done many years earlier.  Rodkinson, therefore, concludes that he is able to do “one page of gemara with all of the commentaries necessary for the work,” without the pilpul, for he has already read all of it in its entirety, as well as the Jerusalem Talmud, the Tosefta, and Mishnayot in the winter of 1883-84.  Some pages will not even require a full hour, but a half hour will be sufficient.  He feels that he is capable of learning and understanding five pages of gemara daily that will [then] be ready for the press, with the result that, by working five hours a day, the entire project will only take about 550 days.[10]

As noted above, Rosh Hashana was translated by Rabbi J. Leonard Levy (1865-1917), rabbi of the Reform Congregation Keneseth Israel, Philadelphia.  He had officiated previously in congregations in England and California, and would later be rabbi of Congregation Rodeph Shalom, Pittsburgh, Pa.  Levy was the founder of the Philadelphia Sterilized Milk, Ice and Coal Society, and the author of several books, among them a ten-volume Sunday Lectures

The title-page of the initial printing of Rosh Hashana (1895) credits Rodkinson with only having “edited, formulated, and punctuated” the tractate and Levy for having “translated for the first time from the above text.” There are photographs of Levy and Rodkinson, and a four-page preface by the former.  Levy writes in defense of the Talmud, conservatively and movingly, without repeating the claims made by Rodkinson.  He informs us that he has done the translation free of charge, for he agrees with the editor that the best defense for the Talmud is to allow it to speak for itself. He continues that “From my boyhood, when I sat at the feet of some of the most learned Talmudists in Europe, I learned to love this wonderful work, this testimony to the mental and spiritual activities of my ancestors.”[11]

That Levy was the translator of Rosh Hashanawas well known at the time.  For example, the entry for Levy in capsule bibliographies of officiating Rabbis and Cantors in the United States in the American Jewish Year Book for 5664, 1903-1904, includes among his accomplishments, “Translation of Tractate Rosh Hashana of the Babylonian Talmud.”[12] Indeed, Rodkinson thanks Levy in the Hebrew introduction to Rosh Hashana, acknowledging that the translator, Levy, not only worked without compensation, but also took the time to go over each and every word with him before it went to press.  Nevertheless, Rodkinson writes, there is absolutely nothing in the translation that he has not verified to the original.[13]

Levy also translated a portion of the first chapter of Berakhot, printed in the Atlantic Coast Jewish Annual.[14]The title-page states “Tract Berakhoth (‘Benedictions’) of the Unabbreviated Edition of the Babylonian Talmud Translated into English for the first time by Rabbi J. Leonard Levy . . . Translator of Tract ‘Rosh Hashana’ of the Talmud Babylonian, etc. etc.  To appear in Quarterly Parts. . . .”  Levy’s work here, apparently, was not meant to be an abridgement, or a restoration of the “original Talmud.”  The English text, from the beginning of the tractate to the middle of 6a in standard editions, includes Hebrew phrases and accompanying footnotes.

The title-pages to the “New Edition of the Talmud” state that they were translated into English by Michael L. Rodkinson.  No other translator or collaborator is mentioned, nor is anyone else credited with such a role in the History of the Talmud.  We have already seen that in the sample volume, Rodkinson’s role is defined as editing, formulating and punctuating.  The Prospectus informs us that “The Rev. Dr. Grossman of Detroit will undertake ‘Yumah,’ and the Rev. Dr. Stoltz, of Chicago, ‘Moed Katan,’” and that other tractates will be revised by “competent authorities of English diction,” and the translation of Rosh Hashanawas done by Rabbi Levy.  However, by the time that the New Talmud was being sold to the public the only name mentioned, and as translator at that, is Rodkinson.  While some commentators mention that other hands are visible in the work, none of the rabbinic figures associated with the translation seem to have objected to Rodkinson’s omission of their names.  Perhaps this may be attributed, as we shall see, to the responses to the New Talmud and, most likely, a wish by the more prominent translators, to distance themselves from it.

How did Rodkinson justify this?  In the introduction to Rosh Hashanahe remarks that books are not called by the names of multiple authors, but rather by one writer, for example, the redactors of the Talmud, Ravina and Rav Ashi.[15]  How then, and by whom was the translation done?  Morris Vinchevsky, who wrote for ha-Kolfor two years, from 1877 through 1878, and was, during that time, a frequent guest in the Rodkinson home, describes Rodkinson as being driven to translate the Talmud into English, even though

he did not know a hundred English expressions.  How did he do the translation? Through ‘exploitation’ of indigent young men, with the help of his son (partially), and the assistance of others.  The principle was the translation.  Whether the translations were good or bad - let the forest judge, as Shakespear says (As You Like It).  Rodkinson was never pedantic.  Whether earlier or later, for better or worse, between impure or pure, never mattered.  Not because he was undisciplined and anarchic, but because he was preoccupied all his days and involved with matters that were not within his power.  For that reason he was not careful about the cleanliness of his teeth, and perhaps if he had, in his later years, false teeth, he would have carried them in his pocket, as did the late Imber, owner of ha-Tikva, in his time.[16]

An example of Rodkinson’s difficulty with English can be seen from the title-page of the sample volume issued in 1895, which refers to him as, “Formerly Editor of the Hebrew ‘CALL,’” that is, ha-Kol.  The translation of ha-Kol, correctly rendered on his German title-pages as Der Stimme, is “The Voice”, not “CALL.”  The family has confirmed that Rodkinson was not fluent in English.  Who then, did translate the Talmud into English for Rodkinson? According to Vinchevsky, the work was done by the “‘exploitation’ of indigent young men” whom Deinard reports were paid eight dollars a week for their work.[17]  A fuller description is given by Judah D. Eisenstein (1854-1956), who writes that, not understanding the English language, Rodkinson employed Jewish high school students.  He translated the Talmud into Yiddish for them, and they than translated it into English.  After they had worked for him for a short time, Rodkinson, claiming their translation was unsatisfactory, dismissed them without payment.  He then hired more young men, repeating the process.[18]

A  considerable part of the work appears to have been done by family members.  Mention is made, in the Prospectus, of Rodkinson’s son Norbert.  Credit is also due, based on the family’s oral tradition, to Rosamund, Rodkinson’s daughter from his first marriage, who was his secretary and researcher.  Yet another family member who assisted him was his nephew Abraham Frumkin.  Rodkinson also made use of dictionaries, enabling him to also work on the translation.  Nahum Sokolow describes the process in a kinder fashion.  “He didn’t know English - but his son did.  This would have deterred someone else, but not him.  This elderly man began to learn English, and translated together with his son.  When there were errors in the first volumes, they worked further to correct those errors.  A man such as this is a living melodrama.”[19]

There is a disquieting note to all of this.  It is clear from the above that many of Rodkinson’s contemporaries knew that his English was insufficient for the undertaking.  Nevertheless, Isaac Mayer Wise, referring to Rodkinson’s proposed translation, wrote “he will be the man to accomplish the task,” unless he meant in the role of editor, still a daunting venture for someone not proficient in English.  Afterwards, Rodkinson was credited with translating a difficult, complex work, written in Hebrew and Aramaic, into a language that, if not foreign to him, was one in which he lacked literary competence.  Some reviewers did comment on the work of translating.  Kaufmann Kohler, for example, wrote in his review, “there are different hands easily discerned in the book,” and refers to Rodkinson as the editor.  Nevertheless, most reviewers accepted him as the translator, and he is remembered for that achievement today.

Rosh Hashanaand Shekalim were quickly followed by Shabbat, in two parts.  Printed with Shabbat is a letter, dated March 24, 1896, from the revisor, Dr. Wise, to the New Amsterdam Book Company, and three introductory pieces by Rodkinson.  Wise writes:

I beg leave to testify herewith that I have carefully read and revised the English translation of this volume of the “Tract Sabbath,” Rodkinson’s reconstruction of the original text of the Talmud.  The translation is correct, almost literal, where the English idiom permitted it.[20]

The first of Rodkinson’s pieces, the Editor’s Preface, is the “A few Words to the English Reader” printed with Rosh Hashana, slightly modified, with new concluding paragraphs.  Rodkinson writes that he is open to criticism that is objective and will “gladly avail ourselves of suggestions given to us, but we shall continue to disregard all personal criticism directed not against our work but against its author.  This may serve as a reply to a so-called review which appeared in one of our Western weeklies.”  He concludes with heartfelt thanks to Dr. Wise for “several evenings spent in revising this volume and for many courtesies extended to us in general.”  This is followed by a “Brief General Introduction to the Babylonian Talmud,” where Rodkinson restates his opinion as to what has brought the Talmud to its present condition:

Rabana Jose, president of the last Saburaic College in Pumbeditha, who foresaw that his college was destined to be the last, owing to the growing persecution of the Jews from the days of “Firuz.” He also feared that the Amoraic manuscripts would be lost in the coming dark days or materially altered, so he summoned all his contemporary associates and hastily closed up the Talmud, prohibiting any further additions.  This enforced haste caused not only an improper arrangement and many numerous repetitions and additions, but also led to the “talmudizing” of articles directly traceable to bitter and relentless enemies of the Talmud. . . . many theories were surreptitiously added by its enemies, with the purpose of making it detestable to its adherents. . . . This closing up of the Talmud did not, however, prevent the importation of foreign matter into it, and many such have crept in through the agency of the “Rabanan Saburai” and the Gaonim of every later generation.[21]

The third introduction, to tract Sabbath, includes such remarks as “It has been proven that the seventh day kept holy by the Jews was also in ancient times the general day of rest among other nations. . . .”[22]

The text of the remaining tractates are entirely in English.  Much of the text is, as Rodkinson had promised, revised, although expurgated might be a more accurate description; particularly involved discussions or material disapproved of by Rodkinson being omitted.  For example, in the beginning of Yoma (2a), nineteen of the first thirty-one lines of gemarah dealing with the parah adumah (red heifer) are omitted. The first half of the verso (2b) has a discussion of a gezeirah shavah(a hermeneutic principle based on like terms) concerning the application of the term tziva (command) to Yom Kippur, also omitted.  There are no references to the standard foliation, established with the editio princeps printed by Daniel Bomberg (1519/20-23), nor, except for biblical references imbedded in the text, are the indices accompanying the Talmud, prepared by R. Joshua ben Simon Baruch Boaz for the Giustiniani Talmud (1546-51) either present or utilized.  There are occasional accompanying brief footnotes.  Rodkinson informs the reader in “A Word to the Public,” at the beginning of Ta’anit, that Rashi’s commentary has, wherever practical, been “embodied in the text,” denoted by parentheses.  Where this was not practical, due to the vagueness of the phraseology, it has been made an integral part of the text.  When Rash’s commentary is “insufficient or rather vague” he makes use of another commentary.

The New Talmud does not include all of the treatises in the Babylonian Talmud.  All the tractates in Orders Nashim and Kodashim are omitted, as well as tractates Berakhot and Niddah, the only treatises in Orders Zera’imand Tohorot, respectively.  The absence of Berakhot, a popular tractate dealing with prayers and blessings, is surprising, for sample pages, as noted above, were sent out prior to the publication of this Talmud.  In fact, Rodkinson had planned to print Berakhot initially, but, as he relates in the Hebrew introduction, difficulties with the printer prevented him from completing that tractate.  The New Talmud was completed with a supplementary volume, The History of the Talmud from the time of its formation. . . . Made up of two volumes in one, it is much more than a history of the Talmud.  As we shall see, Rodkinson used this book as a vehicle to discuss the publication of his Talmud, his opponents, and the deleterious consequences of their opposition.

The translation received favorable mention in Reform, secular and even Christian journals.  These reviews are general in nature, acknowledging the difficulties of the task undertaken, and the concomitant benefit of opening what was previously a closed work to a wider public.

Excerpts from these reviews are reprinted in The History.  Among them are extracts from The American Israelite, founded by I. M. Wise, which describes the translation as a “work which is a credit to American Judaism; a book which should be in every home . . . a work whose character will rank it with the first dozen of most important books,” and again, after the appearance of volume VIII, in 1899, “the English is correct, clear, and idiomatic as any celebrated English scholar in London or Oxford could make it. We heartily admire also the energy, the working force of this master mind, the like of which is rare, and always was. . . .” The Home Library review, printed in its entirety, concludes, “The reader of Dr. Rodkinson’s own writings easily recognizes in his mastery of English style, and his high mental and ethical qualifications, ample assurance of his ability to make his Reconstructed Talmud an adequate text-book of the learning and the liberal spirit of modern Reformed Judaism.  To Christian scholars, teachers, and students of liberal spirit, his work must be most welcome.”[23]

In the New York Times - Saturday Review of Books(June 19, 1897) the unnamed reviewer expresses considerable skepticism concerning the contemporary worth of the Talmud, but concedes it an antiquarian value comparable to the Egyptian Book of the Dead.  Nevertheless, “looking at Mr. Michael L. Rodkinson’s work as literature, it is a production which has required a vast amount of knowledge and infinite patience.  The knowledge of the Hebrew has been profound, and the intricacies of the text are all made clear and plain. . . . An amazing mass of material in these two volumes will delight the ethnologist, the archaeologist, and the folklorist, for certainly before the publication of this work, access to the Talmud has been well-nigh impossible to those who were not of Semitic origin.”  The reviewer finds the strongest endorsement of the work in the testimony of the Rev. Isaac Wise.

Additional reviews, also positive, were published with the completion of volume VIII on Seder Moed in 1899.  The New York Times reviewer now writes (November 25, 1899) that “The importance of Mr. Rodkinson’s work need not be questioned.  The Talmud as he has translated it will take its place in all theological and well appointed libraries indifferent as to creed.”  A third review (July 7, 1900), at the time of the appearance of the volume IX, begins “Mr. Rodkinson must be admired for the courage, perseverance and untiring industry with which he has undertaken and continues to present the English speaking public the successive volumes of the Talmud.”  The review concludes, however, with a cautionary note suggesting Rodkinson “procure for the coming volumes a more careful revision of the translation, because, according to the ‘pains (or care) so much more the reward of appreciation.’”

The American Israelite (August 17, 1899) enthusiastically endorses the work by “the great Talmudist, Rodkinson” taking “special pride” in his “gigantic work” and urging support for “this great enterprise.”  To the question as to how Rodkinson came to this “exceptional clearness” it responds “Mr Rodkinson never frequented any Yeshibah in Poland or elsewhere; so he never learned that Pilpulistic, scholastic wrangling and spouting . . . he is entirely free from this corruption, and this is an important recommendation for his English translation.”  The Independent reviewed the translation at least five times.  The second review (April 7, 1898) notes the opposition to Rodkinson’s translation, and concludes, “If it is not satisfactory let a syndicate of rabbis do better.”  The Evangelist (November 18, 1897), echoing Rodkinson, remarks that the Talmud was previously “almost inaccessible to even Hebrew students” due to the fact that its text is “to the last degree corrupt, marginal notes and glosses having crept in to an unprecedented degree, owing to the fact that it was kept in manuscript for generations after the invention of printing.”  Previous attempts to edit the text were hopeless, a complete revision of the text being required.  “Rabbi Rodkinson has at last effected this textual revision . . . a very valuable contribution to scholarship.”

Several of the later volumes include a reproduction of the Grand Prize Diploma from the Republique Francaise, Ministere du Commerce de l’Industrie des Postes et des Telegraphes Exposition Universelle de 1900for, according to the accompanying description, “the first translation (into a modern language) of the Babylonian Talmud.  The name of the translator leads those in Group III, Class 13, of the American Collection Exhibit.  Presented by the International Jury of Awards, August 18, 1900.”  Here it is.



Praise in Reform, Christian and secular journals, awards and faint praise from foreign dignitaries notwithstanding, there was significant criticism of the New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud.  Skepticism at an English translation of the Talmud was expressed by no less astute an observer of the Jewish scene than Abraham Cahan:

I hear they are translating the Talmud into modern languages.  It cannot be done.  They may render the old Chaldaic or Hebrew into English, but the spirit which hovers between the lines, which goes out of the folios spreading over the whole synagogue, and from the synagogues over the out-of-the-way town, over the dining table of every hovel, over the soul of every man, woman, or child; that musty, thrilling something which should be called Talmudism can no more be translated into English or German or French than the world of Julius Caesar can be shipped . . . to the Brooklyn Bridge.[24]

Less nostalgic, more critical, and certainly more analytical than the positive reviews, were the negative responses to the “New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud.”  These reviews were written by individuals with Talmudic training, as well as scholarly credentials, for whom the Talmud was not a closed book.  They were, therefore, capable of properly evaluating Rodkinson’s achievement.  Among the numerous negative articles are three by individuals whose endorsements for the projected translation had been printed in the prospectus: B. Felsenthal, M. Jastrow, and Kaufmann Kohler. All took special exception to Rodkinson’s claim of having restored the original Talmud, apart from their criticism of the translation.  Indeed, there is considerable irony in the fact that these reviews were written by Reform rabbis who had earlier expressed support for the concept of the New Talmud.

Marcus Jastrow (1829-1903), rabbi of Rodeph Shalom Congregation from 1866 to 1892, when he became rabbi emeritus, is primarily remembered today for his monumental A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud, Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature (London and New York, 1886-1903).  He was also editor of the Department of Talmud of the Jewish Encyclopedia.  Jastrow reviewed Rosh Hashana, edited by Rodkinson and translated by Levy, in The Jewish Exponent (June 14, 1895), contrasting their respective endeavors:

Let it be said in the premises that, while the edition of the original text has not a single redeeming feature which the reviewer would have been but too glad to welcome, especially as he is one of those that, misled by the editor’s specious representations, recommended his work, however guardedly this may have been done: there is a great deal to commend in the translator’s work, which must be welcomed by every friend of Talmudic literature as a first and, as a whole, successful attempt to lend a modern (English) garb to that peculiar mode of thought and logical deduction which the Talmud represents.

Jastrow continues, that instead of the expected abridgement useful for beginning students, it “claims to be a critical edition,” eliminating passages added with the “malicious intention of discrediting that luckless book.”  Not only are these premises absurd, but “the editor’s interminable and abstruse prefaces serve to illustrate his utter incompetency to attack a problem of purgation. . . .” For example, “What can one expect from one who . . . believes, in all earnestness, that a Christian hand has succeeded in smuggling the second Psalm (Lamah Rag’shu) into our canon. . . .”  The reviewer notes that there are fourteen abbreviations in the first twenty-one lines.  Passages are rendered unintelligible by the lack of a natural sequence.  Jastrow concludes his discussion of Rodkinson’s contribution: “We gladly leave this dark production of medieval scholasticism with the gloss of modern scholarship . . . to enter the sunlit fields of modern English in the translator’s preface and translation.”  Jastrow congratulates Levy for his efforts, but notes there are mistakes, which reflect the haste with which the work was done, and inconsistencies in the translation of technical terms.  Jastrow concludes with the wish that the translator will “give us the benefit of a translation from an entire, unabridged and unmutilated text.”

Kaufman Kohler (1843-1926) was a leader of the radical branch of Reform Judaism and served, from 1903 to 1921, as president of Hebrew Union College.  His review of Shabbat, of the “New Talmud Translation by Rodkinson and Wise,” appeared in The American Hebrew (July 17, 1896).  Kohler, whose endorsement stated that he “indorsed the opinions expressed by” the others, became, after seeing a printed tractate, a severe critic of the translation.  He writes that, to his regret, he “must entirely disagree with the venerable President of the Cincinnati College,” that is, Dr. Wise.  After comparing the translated text to standard editions he finds it to be “utterly defective and unreliable.”  He remarks that “in almost every uncommon word a degree of ignorance is displayed which is simply appalling.  The Palestinian town B’nei B’rak, known to every child that learns the Pesach Haggada, is translated . . . ‘the children of Barak’. . . R. Isaac the [black]smith as Isaac of Naphia . . . in the note we are informed by the reviser that Nap’hia is the city whence R. Isaac came.”  Kohler notes that the translator in not conversant with either traditional or modern dictionaries of Talmudic terminology.  Rather, he “transcribes and translates every foreign word in the crudest possible manner.  And yet he pretends to know.”  For example, a form of locust is translated as Vineyard bird and described in a note  as unknown to the commentators.  It is, however, recorded in the dictionaries and “was no bird but a kind of locust.  Such proofs of ignorance are given in many a note.”[25]

Kohler takes issue not only with the translation of terms but also with the fact that, “There are sins against the very spirit of Talmudic lore which cannot be forgiven.”  Indeed, “the vandalism perpetrated against the text is unparalleled.  He mutilates and murders the finest passages without the least cause.  He garbles and spoils the best of sentences. . . . The very first page of the Gemara is so mutilated, bone and marrow of the passages quoted so cut and spoiled, that a comprehension of the whole is made impossible.”  Kohler concludes:

What he understands by scholarship is brought to light in his introduction, about which it is not too much to say that, from beginning to end, it abounds with false and foolish statements.  In one word, the work is a disgrace to Jewish scholarship in America, and it is a sin to encourage, or support it.

J. D. Eisenstein, (1855-1956), author and editor of the Hebrew encyclopedia, Ozar Yisrael (1907-13), and editor of such anthologies as Ozar Midrashim (1915), Ozar Derushim and Ozar Dinim u-Minhagim (1918), had written articles for ha-Sanegor, a Rodkinson publication.  He wrote reviews of both Rosh Hashana and Shabbat, firstpublished in Ner Ma’aravi.[26]  The first review begins with an appreciation of the Talmud, recognizing that it is a complex and difficult work.  Efforts were made, therefore, as early as the time of R. Ahai Gaon, to assist students of the Talmud.  The monumental works of Rambam (Maimonides) and the Rif (Rav Alfas) were designed to address the complexities of the Talmud, by selecting halakhic material only.  One result of their efforts was an increase, rather than a diminishment, of Talmud study.  He is not, therefore, inherently opposed to an abridgement of the Talmud.  Nevertheless, Eisenstein writes, he is ashamed to include this “dwarf” with those giants, for it is tantamount to comparing a gnat to the Leviathan, or a dark candle to the sun.  Where those giants labored for years, this abridger thinks to learn the entire Torah while standing on one foot, in a time that is neither day nor night.

Eisenstein enumerates eight categories of errors, each supported by examples, in his review of Rosh Hashana,.  The first, dealing with errors in the meaning of the Talmud, begins with “the abridgers” statement that he has not added even a single letter but only removed unnecessary material.  This is reminiscent of the English Bible in the museum in London, where the copyists transcribed the Ten Commandments, omitting one word, “not” before  “adultery,” adding nothing.[27] His final category of errors deals with the abridgement of Rashi.  Eisenstein finds misrepresentations in the Hebrew abridgement of that exegete, and in references to Rashi in the English by the translator, Levy.  He concludes this review by stating that his purpose was not to “shoot arrows of hate, and envy, nor to diminish the reputation of the author,” but only to review the book, not the writer, and therefore invites him to respond with reasons, for “it is Torah and we must learn.”[28]

            In his review of ShabbatEisenstein suggests that the Jewish Publication Society undertake a proper translation of the Talmud, for which we will bless the author [Rodkinson] for being the inspiration for such a work.  Noting that Rodkinson has said, correctly, that he would not respond to personal attacks, Eisenstein writes that with this review he will refrain as much as possible from mentioning the author; instead he will take that new invention, the x-ray machine, to reveal the mistakes and errors in Shabbat, which, perchance the author will agree to acknowledge and correct.  Eisenstein, instead of referring to Rodkinson, now limits his references to the author.  He reviews the three introductions to Shabbat, and then enumerates eighteen categories of errors in the abridged translation, supported by 125 examples.  Rodkinson is accused of perverting and misrepresenting the intent of the Talmud, mistranslating, omitting references necessary to the passage under discussion, and for referring to material that he has omitted.

The Rev. Dr. Bernard Felsenthal (1822-1908), author of several books in German and English, among them works to be used in Hebrew studies, was, at the time the New Talmud was published, Rabbi Emeritus of Zion Congregation, Chicago, where he had officiated from 1863 to 1887.  Felsenthal wrote three pieces in the Reform Advocate, the last a review taking four installments to complete, as well as an open letter to Rodkinson, printed in the American Israelite and the Chicago Israelite.  He also wrote a critical letter to the editor in Ner Ma’aravi, in which he states that he concurs with Eisenstein’s review.[29]

Felsenthal’s letter of endorsement, dated February 14, 1895, was particularly warm, recognizing the need for an abridgement of the Talmud for students, and even rabbis, who do not have the time to master the “intricacies of the dialectics” of the Talmud.  He too, therefore, recommends the “intended publication.”  Three months later (May 11, 1895), however, Felsenthal writes that his earlier approval of Mr. R.’s literary project was not in “in the hope that he would lay before us ‘the Original Babylonian Talmud,’ or the supposed ‘Talmud Yashan,’” but only in so far as it is, or will be, “an abridgement of the Talmud, a ‘Talmud katzer.’” He discusses the difficulty inherent in establishing a corrected text, and the proper manner of approaching such a task.  Felsenthal concludes, “I would respectfully suggest that Mr. Rodkinson may descend from his high horse and that he may modestly restrict himself to the work of editing merely a Talmud katzer for the use of younger students and autodidacts.”  One week later, in “An Additional Word Concerning Rodkinson’s New Talmud Edition,” he observes that it is “not more than right and proper” to note that another copy of Rosh Hashana has reached him, in which, on both the Hebrew and English title-pages, the “words have been eliminated by which the editor had claimed his work to be a restoration of the original Talmud, as it was, in his opinion, in its pristine form.”  That being the case, if Mr. Rodkinson restricts himself to an abridgement or anthology, Felsenthal writes, much of what he said in the previous issue “falls to the ground and becomes gegenstandlos.”

Subsequently (September 14 - October 5, 1895), Felsenthal takes Rodkinson to task for his comments, in response to criticism, that his purpose is “to purge the Talmud from the many falsifications . . . it received by the hands of its enemies and thereby to restore the realTalmud, the original Talmud in its pristine form. . . .”  Felsenthal’s introductory remarks, as harsh as those of Kohler and Eisenstein, dismiss the abridged translation “as an absolute failure,” neither useful as a school text-book nor for scholarly purposes, “manufactured, as the author himself naively informs us, in a mechanical way by the use of lead pencils and a pair of scissors.  Certain pieces, first marked by a red or blue pencil, are cut out, and the remaining pieces are then glued together as well as it may be.  In an average, our manufacturer thus finishes, as he tells us, five pages in one day.”  The result is “a mutilated Talmud, aye, it is a falsified Talmud.”  The omission of intricate pilpul, a main characteristic of the Talmud, which the Talmud itself repeatedly speaks of, is a falsification of that work.

Felsenthal takes Rodkinson to task for “throwing aside” passages which demonstrate intolerance or hostility towards gentiles as foreign to the spirit of the Talmud, claiming the insertions were surreptitiously smuggled into the text by enemies of the Talmud.  Felsenthal comments, “How, in heavens name, did now ‘the enemies of the Talmud’ manage to double and treble the bulk of the Talmud by inserting clandestinely and unbeknown to the rabbis and students such enormous additions?” In one example at the beginning of the third installment, a passage Rodkinson claims “never existed in Talmudical Judaism,” but rather is a falsification, is found to exist in parallel passages elsewhere, including the same tractate and in the Jerusalem Talmud.  In the final installment of his review he suggests that Mr. M. L. Rodkinson take as his next project the revision of the Hebrew Bible, purging it from the many interpolations and falsifications Christian enemies “smuggled stealthily into the Sacred Scriptures of the Jews during some dark night while the Jews were off their guard!”

Felsenthal notes that passages declared by R. “To be too difficult to be translated are ill selected.”  For example, “the word tzaphun (treasure), and the word is taken there in the sense of tzaphon (North).  This agadic method of applying Biblical words and of connecting with them new ideas, is to be met with on almost every page of Talmudical literature.”  In relationship to another example cited by Rodkinson, Felsenthal comments, “It is extremely easy, and a tyro in Talmudic studies might master it.”  He notes Rodkinson’s infelicitous transliterations, and writes:

And this man, so unlettered and so uncultured; this man so without any mental discipline and without any methodical training; this man to whom even the elementary rules of Nikud [vocalization] are an unknown country; this man who has not the remotest idea what the words ‘canon of correct criticism’ mean; this man who even to some extent is a stranger in his particular field of learning, in talmudical literature and what is pertaining thereto; - this man undertakes to issue a critical edition of the Talmud!

Not only did individuals providing endorsements withdraw their support.  At least one of Rodkinson’s collaborators, R. Levy, the translater of  Rosh Hashana, also, apparently, dissociated himself from the project.  Richard Gottheil, reviewing Levy’s translation of Berakhot, writes in the Jewish Messenger (May 22, 1896), “I suppose that the word ‘unabbreviated’ is a disclaimer of any further connection with Mr. Rodkinson’s pseudo-critical work, with which Mr. Levy’s name was at one time connected.”  Gottheil then praises Levy’s translation, which he describes “as readable as such a translation can possibly be, even at the certain expense of minor inaccuracies.”

The tepid reception of the New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud was recognized in the press.  For example, the Independent (September 28, 1899), which expresses ongoing support for Rodkinson and his translation, observes that “We regret that this enterprise - tho it might be criticized - is not better patronized. The work should go into a multitude of libraries of Biblical students.” Chagrin at the negative reviews of the “New Talmud” are voiced in an editorial in the American Israelite (September 19, 1901), which restates their initial support for the project.  The editor writes:

The complaint voiced through the Jewish press that Rodkinson’s translation of the Talmud is not receiving the support which its merits deserve is very much in the nature of self accusation.  The truth is that the great undertaking has never been able to overcome the onslaught originally made upon it.  Recognizing its great value, the late editor of this paper [Isaac M. Wise] gave to the work . . . his earnest encouragement and support, which, instead of being seconded by the Jewish press and rabbinate was met by a torrent of abuse and misrepresentation.  . . . As soon as unbiased reviewers were made aware of its merits they changed their unfavorable attitudes, but it was too late to overcome the prejudice created by the first impression.  . . . the non-Jewish press depended largely upon Jewish sources for their information in regard to this work, and therefore reflected the unfavorable opinion expressed by supposed Jewish authorities.[30]

Rodkinson expressed his disappointment in the second revised printing of tractates Shabbat and Rosh Hashana in 1901.  The title-pages of these tractates, unlike those of the other tractates in the second (1916-18) edition, state, “Second edition, re-edited, revised and enlarged.”  Shabbat has a “Preface to the second edition” dated June, 1901, which reflects Rodkinson’s disappointment at the reception to his translation.  He writes:

The translator of the Talmud, who has now reached the thirteenth volume of his task, covering twenty one tracts of this great work, certainly cannot point with any great pride to the fact that this is the second edition of his translation which first appeared in 1896, for he believes that the opening and bringing to light of a book so long withheld from the gaze of the curious, and even the learned, should have attracted more attention and deserved greater consideration than it has received.  However, he is glad to see that thousands of readers have at last taken advantage of the opportunity of looking into the ‘sealed book,’ and to such an extent that second editions have become necessary, both of this volume and of the tract Rosh Hashana of the fourth volume, which he has enlarged upon, adding many historical facts and legends, so that they now appear as practically new works.
This is certainly an encouragement to him to continue his work, with the hope that it will gain the proper recognition and proper attention which he thinks this great work of the sixth century should receive at the hands of all scholars and even laymen.

The modifications between the 1896 edition of Shabbatand the second edition are insignificant.  In the prefatory material, the photographs of Rodkinson and Wise have been omitted, and a dedication to Edwin R. A. Seligman, Professor of Political Science at Columbia University, dated June 15, 1901, followed by the preface to the second edition, has been added.  There are unsubstantial modifications to the editor’s preface.  Part one of Shabbat, that is, chapters one through ten, is five pages longer.  Part two of Shabbat, chapters eleven through twenty-four, has not been revised and is identical to the first edition.  An example of these modifications is the first Mishnah, which concluded “or puts something into it, which is drawn to the inside by the master, - they are both not guilty,” now reads “or puts something into it which is drawn to the inside by the master, they are both free.” The following gemara has been modified to include a cross reference, thus: “We were taught elsewhere:” to “We were taught (Shebuoth, IV.2):”.

As noted above, the Talmud was completed with a supplementary volume, The History of the Talmud from the time of its formation . . ., comprised of two volumes in one.  This book, we are told in the preface, is to some extent based on the work of Dr. A. Mielziner; as it “contains essentially all that concerns the Talmud itself, we resolved to take it as a text for our historical introduction, adding and abating as we deemed necessary.”  The first volume is a history of the Talmud, from its inception through the Rholing-Block (sic) affair.[31]  It is followed by an appendix, which includes material on varied subjects, many not pertinent to the books subject matter, and a second appendix on the Karaites, Reformed Jews and resurrection.

Publication of the History provided an opportunity to revisit the translation, which, all the previous, detailed criticism notwithstanding, continued to find approval, at least in non-Jewish circles.  The Nation (December 24, 1903) noted the “storm which greeted the first volumes, but which now, happily, is blowing over. . . . Its causes were evidently in great part personal and racial.  Dr. Rodkinson’s work, on the other hand, has now passed to a public beyond all such limitations and jealousies.”  Rodkinson is described as “a most learned Talmudist of the ancient type,” whose ability to overcome his early rabbinic education to be able to translate the Talmud into an “English most able and nervous at that, is only another proof of the possibilities inherent in the Jewish race and of the transforming and assimilating power of our civilization.”  Rodkinson’s original intent of restoring the original text of the Talmud, is compared to the task “of editing the Arabic text of ‘The 1,001 Nights,’ a similarly gigantic oral and floating compilation.”  The reviewer concludes that “the translation should be heartily welcomed, and the iron industry of the translator - brazen-bowelled as was ever Greek grammarian - must be admired and commended.  He is doing a piece of work of which he may well be proud. . . .”  The reviewer is equally pleased with the History.   The Catholic World (November, 1904) describes the translation as a “memorable event indeed for both scholarship and religion.”  It is less pleased with Dr. Rodkinson’s introductory volume, The History of the Talmud, which is “hardly so instructive as we should have expected.”

Criticism, or disapproval, was not restricted to reviews, nor was it always direct.  Solomon Schecter (1847-1915),  lecturer in rabbinic theology at Cambridge University and, from 1902, head of the Jewish Theological Seminary, rejected, as reported in the History, a request from Rodkinson to attend lectures at that insitution.  Schecter puts Rodkinson off, writing, “I have not at the moment any copy of the hours of the lectures either, nor do I really think it would be profitable for you to attend an occasional lecture, as you suggest. . . .”[32]

Criticism was also expressed by simply ignoring the New Talmud.  Subsequent translations into English either ignore or are critical of Rodkinson.  Samuel Malter, who translated Ta’anit(Philadelphia, 1928), refers in passing to the New Talmud, by writing, “and an uncritical fragmentary English translation (L. Rodkinson), none of which was of  any aid to me.[33] Dr. J. H. Hertz, Chief Rabbi of England, writes, in the introduction to the Soncino press translation of the Talmud, “A reliable English translation of the whole Babylonian Talmud has long been looked forward to by scholars.” In an address praising the Soncino Talmud, he remarks that “Super-American hurry in the publication must be avoided,” and in another address, “The Talmud as a Book,” he notes the Goldschmidt German and Soncino English translations, but makes no mention of the Rodkinson effort.[34]

Michael Levi Rodkinson died of pneumonia on January 6, 1904.  He was buried in the public, that is, non-denominational, section of Temple Israel Cemetery (then part of Mount Hope Cemetery), Hastings On Hudson, New York, next to his second wife, Amalia.  His tombstone states that he is the translator of the Babylonian Talmud.  Rodkinson left, according to the publication list at the end of the History of the Talmud, a number of manuscripts, among them The Fiftieth Jubilee(a voluminous book of his autobiography).  His death was briefly noted in an obituary in the New York Times(January 8, 1904), which stated: “Rodkinson - Dr. Michael L. Rodkinson, editor and translator of Babylonian Talmud, died Jan. 6, 1904.  Funeral will take place from his residence Jan. 8, 1904 at 12 0' clock noon.”  Brief obituaries also appeared in The American Jewish Year Book (1904) and the London Jewish Literary Annual.[35]

By the time of Rodkinson’s death even his supporters had abandoned him.  In the Year Book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, Gotthard Deutsch (1859-1921), Reform rabbi and professor of Jewish history at Hebrew Union College, considered by many of his contemporaries, due to his meticulous attention to detail, to be the foremost Jewish historian in the United States, writes, “Hesitatingly I mention the name of Michael Levi Rodkinson, who died in New York, January 6, 1904.  While the result of his literary activity is subject to severe criticism, we have to recognize both his indefatigable energy and the shortcomings of our own public which considers the demand of Jewish science rather a pretext for asking charity than a duty which they owe themselves.”[36] The American Israelite, which had often strongly defended Rodkinson’s translation, concluded its brief obituary (January 14, 1904) with the remark that “He was rather an odd character and had a hard struggle all his life to get means of subsistence while doing his literary work.” A more informative obituary is in The American Hebrew (January 16, 1904), which includes biographical information, and then concludes, “We understand that the widow and the children were left unprovided for, except for the proceeds from the sale of the Talmud and the History of the Talmud.”

In 1926, Koheleth America, Deinard’s catalogue of Hebrew books printed in America appeared.  He succinctly describes Rosh Hashana and Shekalim, observing that the approbations are from reformed rabbis “who concur with the abridging of the Talmud - after they have all entirely forsaken the Torah of Moses.”  He then remarks that the success of Rodkinson’s condensation can be seen in I. D. Eisenstein’s review in his Ma’amre Bikoret, where it is noted that the Reform rabbis who initially supported the project subsequently publicly regretted giving that support.[37]

After all of the criticism, the minor renewed interest notwithstanding, Rodkinson remained generally neglected.  Where recalled, it was more often negatively, and, concerning his translation, in a disparaging manner.  Rodkinson is not mentioned in Jewish Publishing in America, nor in The Jews in America: A History.[38]  In the latter case, Albert Mordell, reviewing the book for the Publication of the American Jewish Historical Society, wrote, “Another woeful lack is that of mention of translations from Hebrew classics in whole or part, even though some of these translations were, like M. L. Rodkinson’s Talmud, not of a high order.”[39]   He is also neglected in Meyer Waxman’s A History of Jewish Literature, where mention is made of several translations in various languages.[40] Where the New Talmud is remembered it is negatively, as in Yehuda Slutsky’s comment, “In his later years he devoted himself to translating the Talmud.  The value of this translation, printed in two editions, lies only in the fact that it is a pioneering effort.”[41]  A biographer of Wise writes that “In 1898 he gave his name to Michael Rodkinson’s quack translation of the Talmud. . . .”[42]   More diplomatically, Jacob Rader Marcus, writes, that Rodkinson’s translations “were anything but felicitous and did little to enhance the understanding of the Talmud by non-Hebraists.”  Most recently, R. Adam Mintz concludes that “Rodkinson’s work was rejected because of its poor quality, and not because of an objection on principle to this type of abridged translation.”[43]

Rodkinson took great pride in his translation of the Talmud.  Indeed, his tombstone has an inscription stating that he was the translator of the Babylonian Talmud, certainly an attribution of questionable accuracy.  It is ironic that Rodkinson, who did have other earlier accomplishments, is credited with and remembered for, and negatively at that, a work for which he was responsible and did oversee, but was, in truth, performed, either in its entirety or in part, by others.

There is an epilogue to the New Talmud story. After all of the above it would seem evident that the New Talmud has been forgotten, only remembered by students of Jewish literary history. However, that is not entirely the case, for the New Talmud has been revived, particularly in non-Jewish circles, on the Internet.  The Internet Sacred Text Archive has posted the entire text of  the “The Babylonian Talmud Translated by M.L. Rodkinson [1918].”[44]  Their website is cited by a number of other Internet sites, including at least one for Jewish studies.  The New Talmud is available on CD from both the Sacred Text Archive, as one of 500 religious texts ($49.95), and from B & R Samizdat Express, in the latter instance together with several other Jewish texts ($29.95).  A number of used and rare book sites offer individual volumes and entire sets of the New Talmud at a wide range of prices.

Internet Sacred Text Archive and Samizdat Express simply reproduce the text and are neutral in outlook. Unfortunately, other Internet sites, more often than not anti-Semitic, reference and quote from the New Talmud.  This is also the case with a number of anti-Semitic books.  Most surprisingly, to conclude on a relatively positive note, the New Talmud reappears on the reading list for college courses, for example, a lecture on “The Tractate Avot and Rabbinic Judaism,” in Reed College.  It seems that Michael Levi Rodkinson’s New Talmud has in fact not been forgotten.  Whatever its shortcomings, it has found an audience and is alive today in new and unanticipated formats.



[1] Joseph Kohen-Zedek, Sefat Emet (London, 1879), pp. 1-2. 
[2] Joseph Dan, “A Bow to Frumkinian Hasidism,” Modern Judaism XI (1991), p. 184
[3]  Rosh Hashana, pp. xiii-xiv.
[4]  Rosh Hashana, p. xv.
[5]  Rosh Hashana, p. xvii.
[6]  Rosh Hashana (Hebrew Introduction),p. vi.
[7] The opinions (pp. [iii]-vi) in English are from M. Lazarus, M. Jastrow, M. Mielziner, Isaac M. Wise, B. Szold, K. Kohler, B. Felsenthal, and M. Friedman. They are reprinted in Hebrew, with additional opinions from B. Landau, S. Morais, and S. Sonneschein.
[8]  Sample Volume, p. iv.
[9]  Sample Volume, pp. vii-viii.
[10]  Rosh Hashana (Hebrew Introduction),p. xiv.
[11]  Tract Rosh Hashana (New Year) of the New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud(Philadelphia, 1895), p. xx.
[12]“Bibliographical Sketches of Rabbis and Cantors.  Officiating in the United States,” American Jewish Year Book (Philadelphia, 1903), p. 75.
[13]  Sample Volume, Hebrew introduction, p. xix.
[14]Atlantic Coast Jewish Annual (Philadelphia, February, 1896), pp. 85-110.
[15]  Sample Volume, Hebrew introduction, p. xiii.
[16] M. Vinchevsky, HaToren 10 (Dec. 1923), p. 59.
[17] Deinard, Zichronot Bat Ami, p. 37. (G. Kressel, Leksikon of Modern Hebrew Literature 2 (Merhavia, 1967), p. 838), also notes that the translation was performed by others.
[18] Judah D. Eisenstein, Ozar Zikhronotai (New York, 1929), p. 109.
[19] Oved (Nahum Sokolow), ha-Tzefira (January 22, 1904), no. 20 Friday supplement, p. 97.
[20] Wise’s letter is not reprinted in the second edition of the New Talmud.
[21]  Shabbat, pp. xviii-xix.
[22] Shabbat p. xxiv.
[23]  HistoryII, supplements entitled “Endorsements” (pp. 9-11) and “Some Press Comments” (pp. 12-18).
[24] Abraham Cahan, “Talmudism at the Brooklyn Bridge,” New York Commercial Advertiser, reprinted in Grandma Never Lived in America. The New Journalism of Abraham Cahan, Moses Rischin, ed. (Bloomington, 1985), pp. 54-55. Abraham Cahan (1860-1951) was a journalist, editor and author. He helped found, and was editor from 1902 to his death, of the Jewish Daily Forward. He also wrote for a number of English language newspapers, chronicling the Jewish immigrant experience in America and was the author of The Rise of David Levinsky (New York, 1917), considered an American classic.
[25]  It was noted above that, “not understanding the English language, Rodkinson employed Jewish high school students.  He translated the Talmud into Yiddish for them, and they then translated it into English.”  It is not inconceivable that in some instances the infelicitous mistranslations, such as “the children of Barak,” were not Rodkinson’s errors but rather the errors of the high school students, who, although fluent in Yiddish and English, were likely public school students with only a rudimentary Jewish education and no Talmudic training.  I would like to thank Mr. Joseph I. Lauer for bringing this possibility to my attention.
[26] J. D. Eisenstein, Ner Ma’aravi, reprinted as Ma’amre Bikoret (New York, 1897) and in Ozar Zikhronotai, pp. 285-301.
[27] Eisenstein, Ma’amre Bikoret, p. 20.   
[28] Eisenstein, p. 28. Rodkinson responded in Ner Ma’aravi (reprinted in the History), as noted above.
[29]American Israelite (May 30, 1895); Chicago Israelite (June 1, 1895); and Ner Ma’aravi I:6 (New York, 1895), pp. 33-34.
[30] The following anecdote, reported to me by a prominent southern rabbi, succinctly recapitulates the findings in the negative reviews, from the perspective of an observant user of the “Rodkinson Talmud.”  This rabbi’s father, a Talmudic scholar, emigrated to the United States from Warsaw in 1927.  In the early 1930s he was offered a position teaching an evening Talmud class, with the stipulation that it be in English.  The elderly scholar, solely in order to polish his English, acquired a Rodkinson Talmud.  His son recalls that “As a small child growing up I remember that one day I found the Rodkinson in the waste can.”  His father explained that Rodkinson was both “a major kofer” (disbeliever) and such “a major am haaretz (ignoramus) that he did not want to have his stuff around the house.”
[31] Joseph S. Bloch (1850-1923), editor of the Oesterreichische Wochenscrift and member of the Austrian Parliament, distinguished himself in his defense of Judaism against the charges of the anti-Semite August Rohling (1839-1931), author of Der Talmudjude (1871) and blood libels.  Bloch was yet another opponent of Rodkinson, including an entire chapter, entitled “M. L. Rodkinson, the Third in the League,” pp. 139-51, in his My Reminiscences.
[32]History, I pp. 136-37.
[33] Samuel Malter, The Treatise Ta’anit of the Babylonian Talmud, Critically Edited on the basis of Manuscripts and Old Editions and Provided With a Translation and Notes (Philadelphia, 1928), p. xlvi.
[34] J. H. Hertz, The Babylonian Talmud, Seder Nezikin(London, 1935), editor I. Epstein, p. xxvii; idem, Sermons Addresses and Studies by the Chief Rabbi (London, 1938), II p. 97, and III p. 258.
[35]The American Jewish Year Book (Philadelphia, 1904), pp. 341 and 373; and Jewish Literary Annual (London, 1904), pp. 132 and 146.
[36] G. Deutsch, “Report of the Committee on Contemporaneous History” in Year Book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis XIV (Baltimore, 1904),p. 142.
[37] Ephraim Deinard, Koheleth America, Catalogue of Hebrew books printed in America from 1735-1925 II (St. Louis, 1926), p. 138 [Hebrew].
[38] Charles A. Madison, Jewish Publishing in America. The Impact of Jewish Writing on American Culture (New York, 1976); Rufus Learsi, The Jews in America: A History (Cleveland and New York), 1954.
[39]Publication of the American Jewish Historical Society XLIV (Philadelphia, 1955), p. 125.
[40] Meyer Waxman, A History of Jewish Literature(1941; reprint Cranbury, 1960), IV pp. 710-11.
[41]Encyclopedia Judaica, XIV (Jerusalem, 1972), col. 218.
[42]  Sefton D. Temkin, Isaac Mayer Wise, Shaping American Judaism (Oxford, 1992), p. 303;  Jacob Rader Marcus, United States Jewry 1776-1985, IV (Detroit, 1993), p. 358.  
[43] Mintz, p. 125.

Partnership Minyanim and More

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Partnership Minyanim and More
Marc B. Shapiro

1. A few people have wanted me to comment on the recent debate between Rabbis Barry Freundel and Zev Farber about the so-called Partnership Minyanim in which women lead Kabbalat Shabbat. See hereThe issue goes back to R. Freundel’s article in Tradition 44:2 (2011) on the topic. I was planning to respond to this article when it first appeared, and even wrote some pages, but I never completed the piece. Since the issue has once again surfaced, now is a good time to deal with it. Some of what I will say was also stated by an anonymous commenter on the Torah Musings blog, but both R. Zev Farber and Lazer Kaganovitch can testify that I sent them these points before the commenter posted anything, so I see no reason not to record my thoughts. (I should also note that this anonymous commenter, while pointing out errors and misreadings by R. Freundel, did not show proper respect in recording his criticisms.)

In his article, R. Freundel argues against the Partnership Minyanim with an original approach. Rather than summarize his viewpoint in my own words, this quotation sets forth his thesis, which the article attempts to prove:

In those communities which do not employ a Hazan for Kabbalat Shabbat, that lack would indicate that they view this liturgy as neither mandatory nor communal. Nonetheless, putting a woman (and maybe a child) into the role of Hazan would still be problematic. Adding a Hazan makes the prayer mandatory and communal but women and possibly children cannot lead a mandatory communal prayer. As a result, even in a setting that currently has no Hazan, the innovation of using a Hazan who cannot serve as a Hazan for communal prayer creates a halakhic dissonance that is unsustainable.

This is quite an argument and if it could be sustained, then it would be a significant contribution to the debate. However, in my opinion, and the opinion of everyone I know who has examined the issue, R. Freundel’s argument is completely unconvincing. There is simply no way that having a person read a few paragraphs of Psalms or more recent compositions before some other people makes the prayer “mandatory” and “communal.”

Before getting into some particulars of R. Freundel’s piece, let me offer a more general criticism. Reading the article I was troubled by the author’s need to come up with a halakhic argument to forbid that which pretty much everyone can see is not a halakhic matter at all (apart from possible halakhic concerns of tzeniut). Those who are in favor of Partnership Minyanim devote great efforts to show that there is no halakhic objection, and therefore these minyanim should be instituted, and R. Freundel is playing the same game, but from the other side. He feels that he needs to show why Partnership Minyanim are halakhically forbidden, and therefore shouldn’t be instituted.

The truth of the matter is that many of the most important things traditional Jews do and don’t do have nothing to do with halakhah. Something can be a bad idea, even a very bad idea, and deserve to be rejected even if there is no technical halakhic objection to it. As the Steipler wrote (Karyana de-Igarta [2011 ed.], vol. 2 no. 581):

יש כמה דברים שאין בכח החכם להורות איסור אע"פ שבאמת אינו נכון כלל

There are good reasons people can offer in opposition to Partnership Minyanim without falling into the “pan-halakhic” trap that everything you oppose has to be shown to be halakhically improper. Opponents of the Partnership Minyanim should be able to acknowledge that if non-bar mitzvah age boys are permitted to serve as a hazan for pesukei de-zimra or Kabbalat Shabbat then, apart from issues of tzeniut (in which I include kol ishah), there is no “technical” halakhic objection with women doing so as well. But as mentioned already, lack of a prohibition doesn’t necessarily make something a good idea. Plenty of synagogues will not let someone serve as a hazan if he is wearing jeans (or if he is not wearing a jacket or hat), yet this doesn’t mean that we need to find a technical halakhic objection for something which is at essence a matter of synagogue custom and propriety, and therefore does not need to be supported by halakhic sources. By the same token, I think we have reached the point whereby the typical Orthodox rabbi acknowledges (privately, at least) that there is no real halakhic objection to a woman rabbi, while at the same time continuing to oppose the concept (much like many oppose yoatzot halakhah). They oppose it because of how women rabbis will change the structure of traditional Judaism, change it in way they view as negative. This point can be made without using halakhic arguments that after a little investigation people will see don’t carry any weight. This is especially so in the Modern Orthodox world where there are women principals of Jewish day school, women synagogue presidents, women teachers of Talmud, women learning advanced halakhah, and no one bats an eye when a woman speaks in front of men.

For those who oppose things like women leading Kabbalat Shabbat, a weak halakhic argument is worse than no argument at all. The best tactic for the opponents is simply to keep the issue focused on what direction is best for Judaism. It is known that a number of great rabbis refused to provide halakhic reasons for particular decisions they gave, especially when the halakhic justification was weak. They chose this path precisely because they didn’t want these issues to become matters of halakhic debate, as there were other, even more important considerations guiding them. (In a future post I will give examples.) What R. Freundel’s article does is empower the proponents of Partnership Minyanim because they can rightfully say, “If this is the best our opponents can muster in terms of halakhic objections, then there really is no reason to oppose what we are doing.”

Now let’s turn to some particulars, as there are a couple of points in R. Freundel’s article that I would like to comment on. He writes:

The second oft-cited opinion in Rishonim is that of Nahmanides, who argues for obligatory twice a day recitations of the Amidah by women at Shaharit and Minha. The problem is that, despite the fact that the Mishna Berurah quotes this approach in the name of Ramban, I cannot find this opinion anywhere in Nahmanides’ writings. An examination of the section of Shulhan Arukh where Mishna Berurah makes this statement indicates that he is quoting R. Akiva Eiger.

There is a misunderstanding here. Here is the passage from the Mishnah Berurah 106:4 referred to by R. Freundel.


What the Mishnah Berurah is saying is that Nahmanides’ view is that prayer is a rabbinic commandment. The part about Anshei Keneset ha-Gedolah requiring the Amidah to be recited twice a day and that women are also obligated in this is not from Nahmanides. This is the Mishnah Berurah speaking. Contrary to what R. Freundel writes, the Mishnah Berurah is not quoting R. Akiva Eger.
           
In the next paragraph, Freundel writes:

R. Eiger cites Nahmanides from section 89 of Responsa Besamim Rosh. At one time this book was attributed to a variety of important scholars including Ramban, but now it is known to have been written by Isaac Molina in the 16th century. . . . Section 89 of Besamim Rosh tells us that women “in our area” are required to pray twice a day because “they have accepted this practice upon themselves.” This is hardly an indication that all Jewish women are required to recite the formal liturgy at Shaharit and Minha as Mishna Berurah claims.

Here is the responsum from Besamim Rosh.



It never uses the words “in our area”, and furthermore, the responsum is not from Nahmanides. It seems that R. Freundel makes the false assumption that at one time this book was attributed to Ramban because he thinks that R. Akiva Eger is citing a responsum of Ramban in Besamim Rosh. Yet Besamim Rosh was never attributed to Nahmanides nor to Isaac Molina.[1] The latter supposedly gathered the teshuvot (that is what it says on the title page, but this is part of Saul Berlin’s forgery). This means that R. Freundel’s critique of the Mishnah Berurah falls by the wayside, since the responsum in Besamim Rosh has nothing to do with the Ramban and thus nothing to do with the Mishnah Berurah’s point, which is derived from the Ramban. .

Here is the text from R. Akiva Eger.


 

In his heading he cites Ramban, but that is simply a quote from the Magen Avraham, and has nothing to do with the Besamim Rosh that he cites immediately following this. All R. Akiva Eger is doing by citing Besamim Rosh is providing another relevant text dealing with the issue under consideration, i.e., women and prayer. In R. Akiva Eger’s responsa, vol. 1, no. 9, he cites this same responsum in Besamim Rosh. (R. Akiva Eger thought that Besamim Rosh was an authentic work.[2]) 

However, how did R. Freundel ever assume that Besamim Rosh was citing Nahmanides? He never could have concluded this if he used the Machon Yerushalayim edition, which is the text I just used. He also could not have concluded this if he used one of the older editions of the Shulhan Arukh in which R. Akiva Eger’s note doesn’t even refer to Ramban. See here:


Yet here is the text as it appears in what used to be the standard edition of the Shulhan Arukh. In this edition there is a mistake in R. Akiva Eger’s text and it indeed has him stating that Nahmanides’ view is found in Besamim Rosh.




R. Freundel writes:

While all agree that women do not count towards adding Elokeinu, there is some debate about whether women can count among the three for zimmun. Nonetheless, even for those who say that women do count for the three no one suggests that a woman can lead if there are both men and women present. This is either because women’s obligation is rabbinic while men’s is Biblical or because the formal text of Birkat ha-Mazon contains references to certain mitsvot (e.g., circumcision) which are not applicable to women (emphasis added).

The passage I have underlined is incorrect. Ritva writes as follows[3]:

נשים חייבות בברכת המזון מן התורה, ולפיכך אשה מברכת לאיש על ידי זימון, או אם הוא עם הארץ להוציאו ידי חובתו כדרך שהאיש מוציאו.

See also R. Asher Ben Hayyim, Sefer ha-Pardes, ed. Blau (New York, 1984), pp. 176-177, and also the Hazon Ish, Orah Hayyim 30:8, who mentions that according to one approach in the rishonim גם הנשים רשאות לזמן כה"ג אם אין אנשים בקיאין . 


R. Yitzhak Yosef, Yalkut Yosef, Orah Hayyim 186:5, writes:

אשה שבירכה ברכת המזון ונתכוונה להוציא את האיש ידי חובתו, ושניהם אכלו כדי שביעה, בדיעבד יצא ידי חובה, ואינו צריך לחזור ולברך

A good discussion of the issue is found in R. Yehudah Herzl Henkin, Bnei Vanim, vol. 3, no. 1.[4]

R. Freundel writes:

The presence of a Hazan was essential to Magen Avot becoming a mandatory tefillah be-tsibburMagen Avot became mandatory with a Hazan. . . . If the presence of a Hazan makes a prayer mandatory, then Kabbalat Shabbat, which today has a Hazan in the vast majority of synagogues, is also mandatory.

I think R. Freundel has it all backwards. The presence of a hazan never made Magen Avot mandatory. Rather, when Magen Avot was made mandatory, it was required that there be a hazan. But what does this have to do with Kabbalat Shabbat which was never made mandatory by anyone?

R. Freundel writes:

R. Kook maintained that one who has heard the repetition of the Amidah on Rosh Hodesh thereby fulfilling his tefillah be-tsibbur requirement, but who must repeat his silent Amidah because he forgot Ya’ale ve-Yavo[,] counts among the six to whom four who previously prayed are added for recitation of devarim she-bi-kedushah. His repeat prayer constitutes tefillat rabbim in that venue, which is sufficient to count him in the majority of a tsibbur that has not yet prayed. Tefillat rabbim is, therefore, not a larger form of individual prayer, rather it is a diminished form of tefillah be-tsibbur and therefore, he counts because his is a minor act of communal prayer.

This description is incorrect as R. Kook does not “maintain” that which is being attributed to him. In his responsum, Orah Mishpat, no. 23, R. Kook presents both sides of the matter and concludes וצריך בירור. What this means is that he does not make a final decision. In any event, what does this have to do with someone such as a minor or a woman leading a prayer that is not obligatory?

The larger problem of R. Freundel’s article is that he makes assumptions which are simply not in accord with the practice of Jewish communities. For example, his argument leads to the conclusion that it should be forbidden (not just inappropriate, but forbidden) for someone under bar mitzvah age to lead any part of the service. Yet this is the practice in communities all over the world. Doesn’t every Modern Orthodox synagogue have a child lead Adon Olam? R. Freundel assumes that the only reason this can be permitted is because of hinnukh considerations. That is possible, but it is just as likely permitted precisely because there is no prohibition, and it is a nice thing to do. In other words, there is no default position that it is prohibited, from which one then needs to then find a way to permit.

The Beit Yosef, Orah Hayyim 53, discusses the practice of children leading the congregation in maariv and those who objected. He explains that the practice can be defended since there is no repetition of the Amidah, the hazan is not fulfilling anyone’s obligation for him, and maariv is also reshut. In other words, there are no considerations of hinnukh raised here, and for the Beit Yosef there is no default position that it is prohibited, and certainly no concept of tefillat rabbim, (which is mostly a hiddush of R. Freundel). It seems to be entirely a matter of synagogue etiquette, i.e., kevod ha-tzibbur, and if this can be overcome, then there is no halakhic problem. R. Yitzhak Zilberstein even argues that in an extreme circumstance (the particular case concerned a prison) one need not protest if a non-Jew leads the maariv service![5]

Let me stress that there is nothing wrong with R. Freundel coming up with a hiddush dealing with tefillat rabbim. However, a hiddush such as this cannot be the basis for forbidding a practice such as Partnership Minyanim. To see how far R. Freundel’s model takes him, in response to criticism he even stated that it is forbidden for a woman to recite tefillat ha-derekh on behalf of men and also to lead a communal recitation of Psalms. R. Freundel assumes that this is all tefillat rabbim and therefore forbidden for a woman to lead.

I have no doubt that if you ask the typical posek about a woman reciting tefillat ha-derekh or reading a Psalm before a mixed group of men and women, he will say it should not be done, for reasons of tzeniut or mesorah. But if you ask him if it is forbidden on account of tefillat rabbim, he won’t have a clue what you are talking about. Speaking historically, there is simply no such halakhic framework, and I find it hard to believe that people are going to be convinced that if some men and women sit down to read a few Psalms together (or a liturgical text of more recent vintage) that there is a prohibition for a woman to lead the recitation. (Again, I am not referring to tzeniut issues here.). Let me just remind readers that R. Ovadiah Yosef, relying on numerous rishonim, has ruled that if necessary a woman can read the Purim megillah for men (which might arise if no men know how to read it).[6] If the halakhically obligatory Megillah can be read by women for men, with none of the poskim saying a word about a concept of tefillat rabbim, then why should people accept that there is a prohibition for a woman to lead a group of men and women in recitation of a Psalm? (I realize that one can respond that reading the Megillah is not tefillah, but it would nevertheless be strange to permit a woman to read an entire book of the Bible before a group of men, and at the same time not allow her to read even a few verses from another book, i.e., Psalms.)

There is a good deal more to say about the phenomenon of Partnership Minyanim and the strange way they came about. Before Prof. Daniel Sperber got involved, the basis for them was an article written by an otherwise unknown rabbi in the Edah Journal. I can’t help but wonder about the halakhic methodology of changing traditional Jewish practice simply because a rabbi writes an article with some suggestions. If tomorrow a rabbi, any rabbi, writes an article arguing that in today’s day and age when men and women mix freely, that there is no need for a mehitzah in prayer (after all, it is not mentioned in the Shulhan Arukh), would that then give people carte blanche to remove the mehitzah? Had this not already been an issue between the Orthodox and Conservative, and thus of great symbolic significance, I am sure the mehitzah would already have been removed in liberal Orthodox synagogues. And what about counting women in the minyan? Halakhic arguments can be advanced for this as well. Is the only reason the liberal Orthodox don’t accept R. Ethan Tucker’s and R. Micha’el Rosenberg’s arguments[7] because of their non-affiliation with Orthodoxy? If an Orthodox rabbi had advanced the same argument as them, would it then be OK to move to complete halakhic egalitarianism?[8]

2. In a previous post I wrote about the dispute over whether there is pesak in hashkafah. Only recently did I see the following relevant statement of R. Soloveitchik, The Emergence of Ethical Man, p. 6 (emphasis added).

It is certain that the fathers of the Church and also the Jewish medieval scholars believed that the Bible preached this doctrine [the separateness of man from nature]. Medieval and even modern Jewish moralists have almost canonized this viewpoint and attributed to it apodictic validity. Yet the consensus of many, however great and distinguished, does not prove the truth or falseness of a particular belief.

In my article, I discussed some of the difficulties with the Hatam Sofer’s position that principles of faith can change with time, and are determined in a fashion no different than typical halakhic decisions. I argued that this understanding diverges from that of the rishonim. In R. Dovid Cohen’s recently published Ha-Emunah ha-Ne’emanah (Brooklyn, 2012), p. 41, he appears troubled by the Hatam Sofer’s approach.
                       
וקשה מאד להתאים דברי הח"ס שעיקרי הדת חשובים עיקרים שהכל צריכים להאמינם מפני ההכרעה שאז י"ל שהפורק עול שאינו רוצה לקבל ההכרעה נענש מטעם זה, אבל איך זה שייך לסברת האברבנאל והגרי"ז שמי שאינו מאמין אין לו התפיסה שיוכל להשיג עולם הבא האם ההשגה תלויה בהכרעה או במציאות של האמת והאם שייך לומר שלרב הלל יש חלק בעוה"ב והבא אחריו שסובר כוותיה אין לו חלק לעולם הבא שאינו יכל להשיג. . . . ועיין לקמן בעיקר ז' שהערתי שמשמע מהאריז"ל ומבעל התניא שהם חולקים על החתם סופר ודו"ק.

What does the last word (abbreviation) mean, as it does not stand for ודוחק קצת, which is how it is usually understood? Furthermore, what are we to do with the expression והדברים ברורים ודו"ק that appears in Maharsha and elsewhere? I remember how in yeshiva we didn’t know what to make of this, since it obviously doesn't  mean  ודוחק קצת. One rebbe told us that the abbreviation mark is a mistake and it should be read as  ודוק, that is, “examine it carefully” (like ודייק). It is also possible that the abbreviation stands for ודיק וקרא, although this meaning is not mentioned in Otzar Rashei Tevot. R. Meir Mazuz recounts that in Tunis they explained it: ואחר דרישה וחקירה קל. (Otzar Rashei Teivot has ודייק ותמצא קל). See his Lo Tashikh (Bnei Brak, 2005), p. 8 (first numbering). But he assumes that the real meaning is as I mentioned, i.e., ודייק.
Returning to R. Cohen’s book, it really requires a post of its own, as it contains all sorts of interesting things. Here is one example, from p. 127, where he suggests an interpretation of the Twelfth Principle of Maimonides according to which belief in a personal Messiah and other details in the Principle are not really  required beliefs.
וצ"ל שהעיקר הי"ב הוא גאולה באחרית הימים והכופר בזה הוא כופר גמור והפרטים שכתב הרמב"ם שיהיה משיח והוא מיו"ח של שלמה בן דוד אין זה מהעקרים שהכופר בהם אינו נחשב ככופר והוא חידוש עצום.
I only quote this for its novelty, as it is contradicted by Maimonides’ explicit words in the Principle. With reference to the detail of the Messiah’s genealogy, Maimonides states: “Included in this fundamental principle is that there will be no king of Israel except from David and from the seed of Solomon exclusively. Anyone who disputes concerning this family denies God and the words of His prophets.”
On p. 162 R. Cohen states that according to Maimonides even non-Jews are obligated to believe in the Thirteen Principles. He concludes his paragraph with ודו"ק, and again, it does not mean ודוחק קצת.
ועיין סוף פ"ח ממלכים שכתב וז"ל כי [כל] המקבל שבע מצות ונזהר לעשותן הרי זה מחסידי אומות העולם ויש לו חלק לעולם הבא. והוא שיקבל אותן ויעשה אותן מפני שצוה בהן הקב"ה בתורה והודיענו על ידי משה רבינו שבני נח מקודם נצטוו בהן. אבל אם עשאן מפני הכרע הדעת אין זה גר תושב ואינו מחסידי אומות העולם ולא מחכמיהם עכ"ל. ומשמע מכאן שהרמב"ם בא לכלול הגוים שהם חסידי אומות העולם שמאמינים בתורה, אבל אינם מאמינים בי"ג עיקרים שאין להם חלק לעוה"ב . . . הרי מוכח כנ"ל שגוי צריך להאמין בי"ג עקרים ודו"ק
Contrary to R. Cohen, when Maimonides speaks of righteous non-Jews being required to believe in the revelation at Sinai, this has nothing to do with acceptance of the complete Thirteen Principles.
One more point about R. Cohen's book is that it is obvious that at times he is responding to what I wrote in The Limits of Orthodox Theology (and he also makes use of many of the sources I cite). While I am not mentioned by name (no surprise there) I am apparently included among the משמאילים referred to on p. 5 (see Limits, pp. 7-8).
Finally, let me add more comment about the Thirteen Principles. Just when I was about send in this post, I received the latest issue (Spring 2013) of the journal Conversations, published by Rabbi Marc Angel’s Institute for Jewish Ideas and Ideals. Each issue is a great read as it includes material from both well-known scholars as well as talented newcomers who have a lot to contribute and whose writings have often been real eye-openers for me.
Among the established writers in the new issue is R. Nathan Lopes Cardozo. If there is any contemporary writer in the Orthodox world who reminds me of the early Hasidic masters, the Kotzker, or even R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg in his private moments,[9] it is R. Lopes Cardozo. Reading him one can sense how difficult it is for R. Lopes Cardozo to live in a world in which spiritual authenticity is in such short supply. As with his similar-minded predecessors, he too must protest, and the real perplexity is why so many others don’t join in this protest. The questions he asks, and what keeps him up at night, are exactly what should be on the mind of all thinking Orthodox Jews, even if one may disagree with the answers he gives.
His latest article, which appears in Conversations, is entitled “Lonely but Not Alone: An Autobiography by a Jew Who Should Never Have Been.” On p. 10 he writes:
It became clear to me that Judaism is based on the need for absolute questioning. I discovered that there are no absolute dogmas in Judaism, at least not in the way they are found within the Catholic Church. Maimonides’ famous Thirteen Principles of Faith, which are sung in nearly every synagogue on Friday nights, were never accepted as the final version of Jewish belief and were in fact heavily attacked and challenged by the greatest rabbinical authorities. Today, I see that Maimonides’ thirteen principles caused major damage to Judaism. It was the famous Professor Leon Roth who once remarked: “For this Hebrew of Hebrews had in many respects a Greek mind and through his sense of logic and his passion for precision, he brought Judaism into a doctrinal crisis, the echoes of which are with us yet” (Judaism, A Portrait, 1960, p. 122). How true! Judaism, while surely consisting of certain beliefs, is open to self-critique, debate, and ongoing discussions that have almost never been resolved. This spoke to my imagination. A religion with no dogmas, always open to new ideas! What could be better than that!

3. In a previous post I called attention to a bizarre segulah from R. Zvi Hirsch Kaidonover which I didn’t translate and which I suggested the police might regard as a form of sexual abuse. The text is as follows:
ועוד סגולה נפלאה לתינוק הנולד שלא יקרה עליו חולי נכפה בר מינן, מיד כשנולד ישימו בפיו ברית קודש של תינוק ויהיה ניצול כל ימיו מחולי נכפה
If you thought that this was strange, I guarantee that you will find the following, which was sent to me by a friend, even stranger.



The text comes from Meir Benayahu, Toldot ha-Ari (Jerusalem, 1967), pp. 224-225, and describes a “cure” recommended by R. Isaac Luria. The passage is too bizarre to translate. If the man who “came to the rescue” was just a man off the street it would be one thing. However, we see that it was none other than R. Moses Galante, a great sixteenth-century Torah scholar of the land of Israel who was given real semikhah by R. Joseph Karo. Even though the pre-modern mind was able to come up with all sorts of strange “cures”,  I would like to believe that the entire story is a fiction. But even if it never happened, the fact that people believed it happened tells us a great deal about their mindset.

On p. 110 n. 4, Benayahu cites the following text from R. Hayyim Vital (and note the shocking passage I have underlined):


בענין לילית ההורגות את הילדים מבן שמונה ימים ללידתם . . . נטיתי אז ושמתי אבר מילת נער קטן בפי הילד תכף כשנולד טרם שיינק . . . ואמנם פעמים אחרות עשיתי כל הנ"ל וגם דברים אחרים, שנבאר עתה, ולא ניזוק. ואלה הם: לשים אבר מילת אבי הנולד עצמו בפי הילד טרם שיינק
On p. 111 he records a story that once when a lion was about to attack R. Hayyim Ben Attar


גילה בריתו ברית קדש, וכשראה אותה האריה ברח מפניו . . . שמעולם לא ראה טפת קרי

All of these texts relate to the power of circumcision, a topic that is relevant to an earlier post here where I discussed the notion that Eliezer took an oath to Abraham by placing his hand on Abraham's circumsision.

Returning to the first story quoted from Benayahu, there is no doubt that people can believe all sorts of strange things. There is currently a situation in London where a leading rabbi is charged with inappropriate contact with women. This rabbi denies the charges. However, he has admitted, so I am informed, that he did touch women in non-sexual ways, but this was done as part of his “therapy” which he claims was halakhically permitted. Now obviously we can’t have a situation where a male therapist, or  “therapist”, is arm wrestling or massaging his female patients. In fact, after everything we have seen these last few years, I think we can all agree that there can’t be any touching.

Imagine my surprise, therefore, when in the most recent volume of Ma’ayan Omer I came across the following text:



R. Ovadiah gives permission for a kabbalist to touch a woman as part of his kabbalistic healing. R. Ovadiah requires that he wear gloves when touching her, but this is still surprising, as once such a heter is given it is not too difficult to see where this can lead..

I didn’t know what to make of the words צריכה להתפשט. Does this mean that a woman can remove all her clothes if that’s what the kabbalist needs in order to complete the healing process? (According to news reports, the Breslov figure currently in the news for sexual impropriety operated in this way). I was certain it couldn’t mean this, but then what does it mean? I wrote to R. Avraham Yosef and here is his reply.


Even with R. Avraham’s explanations, both regarding the nature of the pesak and the limited removing of clothes, it is still very difficult to stomach. But I acknowledge that this is only because of my rationalist perspective and my assumption that virtually all of these “kabbalists” are more snake oil salesmen than anything else. (R. Yitzhak Kaduri, a real kabbalist, said that an authentic mekubal does not charge money for helping people, so that immediately knocks out some of the most popular “kabbalists” who make a very good living at their craft.) However, for one who believes that a kabbalist can heal just like a doctor, then all the heterim that apply to a male doctor, including touching a woman while healing her, would also apply to a kabbalist. Skeptical as I am, I wonder why such a powerful kabbalist can’t do his healing without touching the woman.[10]



[1] This information is available simply by googling "Besamim Rosh", and the first two results are from Seforim Blog posts. The third result is Wikipedia which also states that Besamim Rosh is an eighteenth century forgery.
[2] This can be seen from how he cites the source, and see also his note to Shulhan Arukh, Even ha-Ezer 117, where he is explicit (this source was noted by one of the commenters on Torah Musings).
[3] Hilkhot Berakhot 7:2 (p. 106 in the Mossad ha-Rav Kook edition).
[4] R. Baruch Gigi, one of the roshei yeshiva of Yeshivat Har Etzion, believes that women saying birkat ha-mazon together with their families can be counted towards a mezuman. See Yonatan Gershon, “On Women Joining in a Zimmun,” Meorot 9 (2011), available hereI have yet to see this acted on in practice.
[5] Hashukei Hemed, Berakhot 51b. R. Zilberstein’s books contain some of the strangest cases. I don’t know whether these are actual cases or if people just ask him the strange questions knowing he will respond, or if perhaps even he makes up the questions so that he can then discuss the matter להגדיל תורה ולהאדירה
[6] See Yalkut Yosef, Dinei Keriat ha-Megillah, no. 12.
[7] See here.
[8] David Berger has recently alluded to Partnership Minyanim in his “Texts, Values, and Historical Change: Reflections on the Dynamics of Jewish Law,” in Michael J. Harris, et al., eds., Radical Responsibility: Celebrating the Thought of Chief Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks (Jerusalem, 2012). In referring to Haym Soloveitchik’s thesis in “Rupture and Reconstruction,” Berger writes (p. 204): “[S]ome of those who lionize the mimetic society as they savour the anti-haredi uses of Soloveitchik’s analysis are simultaneously impelled by feminist convictions to change generations of synagogue practice on the basis of textual analysis far more tenuous than the considerations that lead the traditionalist Orthodox to their usually more stringent deviations from the practices of the past. Affirmation or rejection of a mimetic ideal can depend very much on whose ox is being gored.”
[9] I think readers will appreciate this letter of R. Jehiel Jacob Weinberg. It first appeared in Mordechai Eliav and Yitzhak Rafael, eds., Sefer Shragai (Jerusalem, 1981), p. 275, and was reprinted in Ba’ayot Aktualiyot le-Or ha-Halakhah (Jerusalem, 1993), pp. 58-59. We are now sixty years after R. Weinberg wrote his letter, and not only have things not gotten better, but they have actually gotten much worse.





[10] In the recently published Mesorat Moshe, p. 612, it records that R. Moshe Feinstein responded as follows, after being told of a dentist who sexually assaulted female patients while they were sedated: אמר רבינו שממש פלא, דהלא זה כנגד החזקה שאומן לא "מרע אומנותו". I don’t understand R. Moshe’s surprise, as he could say the same thing about teachers or anyone else who engages in this sort of behavior. Since we are dealing with people who are sick, there is no rational calculation for which you can apply the concept of מרע אומנותו. We have already seen numerous people who have destroyed their lives and their families by engaging in the sort of behavior, and taking the sort of risks, that simple self-interest would be enough to deter normal people from. (In a future post I will discuss other passages in Mesorat Moshe.) Also regarding sexual (and physical) abuse, R. Yosef Shalom Elyashiv writes, in discussing whether to inform the authorities (Kovetz Teshuvot, vol. 4, no. 198):

יש גם לשקול בגדר של ההתעוללות, שבהשקפה שלהם היא אחרת לגמרי משלנו

What does this mean? In what way is the religious Jewish approach to this matter superior to that found among non-Jews and non-religious Jews?

And finally, I found what I thought was a strange passage in R. Abraham Bornstein, Avnei Nezer, Even ha-Ezer no. 44. Much like Todd Akin, the Avnei Nezer thought that a woman couldn’t get pregnant through rape (unless . . . actually I would rather not explain it).

ואם היתה אנוסה מתחילה ועד סוף ולא רצתה בו כלל אי אפשר שתתעבר, רק שיש חשש שמא תחילה באונס וסופו ברצון . . . אלא ודאי כמ"ש משום דבאונס מתחלה ועד סוף אי אפשר שתתעבר

I have not found such a notion in any earlier rabbinic source. However, S. of On the Main Line called my attention to Rachel P. Maines, The Technology of Orgasm (Baltimore, 2009), pp. 51-52, from which we see that there was indeed a long-standing view that conception was not possible without female orgasm or at least desire.

Book week 2013

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Book week 2013

By: Eliezer Brodt

Book week just began in Eretz Yisrael. As I have written in previous years every year in Israel, around Shavous time, there is a period of about ten days called Shavuah Hasefer - Book Week (seehere,herehere,here here and here). Many of the companies offer sales for the whole month. Shavuah HaSefer is a sale which takes place all across the country in stores, malls and special places rented out just for the sales. There are places where strictly “frum” seforim are sold and other places have most of the secular publishing houses. Many publishing houses release new titles specifically at this time. In my reviews I sometimes include an older title if I just noticed the book. As I have written in the past, I do not intend to include all the new books. Eventually some of these titles will be the subject of their own reviews. I try to include titles of broad interest. Some books I cannot provide much information about as I just glanced at them quickly. Some books which I note, I can provide Table of contents if requested, via e mail.

As this list shows although book publishing in book form has dropped greatly worldwide, Academic books on Jewish related topics are still coming out in full force.

I have also included some academic books that came out this year but are not being sold at book week.

Additionally this year I am offering a service, for a small fee to help one purchase these titles (or titles of previous years). For more information about this email me at Eliezerbrodt-at-gmail.com. Part of the proceeds will be going to support the efforts of the the Seforim Blog.

Bar Ilan University has many excellent new titles this year.
א.       אנציקלופדיה של הסיפור היהודי, כרך ג.
ב.       רש"י ובית מדרשו, עורך א' כהן, 264 עמודים [כולל חומר חשוב]
ג.        אוריאל סימון, אזן מלין תבחן, מחקרים בדרכו הפרשנית של ר' אברהם אבן עזרא 557 עמודים [מצוין].
ד.       אמיר משיח, הלכה בתמורות המזן במשנתו של הרב שלמה זלמן אוירבך, 291 עמודים
ה.       שמואל ורגון, שמואל דוד לוצאטו ביקורתיות מתונה בפירוש המקרא, 528 עמודים [מצוין]
ו.        בד"ד 27
ז.        רון קליינמן, דרכי קנין ומנהגי מסחר במשפט העברי, הוצאת בר אילן
ח.       צדיק יסוד עולם, השליחות הסודית והחוויה המיסטית של הרב קוק, סמדר שרלו, 444 עמודים,
ט.       דעת גליון 73
י.        דעת גליון 74-75
יא.     מקראות גדולות, הכתר, שמות א, מהדורה מוקטנת
יב.     מקראות גדולות, הכתר, תהלים, מהדורה מוקטנת
יג.      מקראות גדולות, הכתר, שמואל א-ב, מהדורה מוקטנת

Merkaz Zalman Shazar has some new titles.

א.       חיים גרטנר, הרב והעיר הגדולה, הרבנות בגליציה ומפגשה עם המודרנה 1815-1867, 448 עמודים [ספר מצוין]
ב.       כתב עת ציון [מלא חומר חשוב, ניתן לקבל תוכן עניינים].
ג.        חוט של חן-חוט של חסד, ש' לחוה טורניאנסקי, ב' חלקים [מציון מלא חומר חשוב] [ניתן לקבל תוכן עניינים]
ד.       דורש טוב לעמו, הדרשן הדרשה וספרות הדרוש בתרבות היהודית, עורכים נחם אילן\ כרמי הורוביץ/ קימי קפלן, 242 עמודים
ה.       יוסף דן, תולדות תורת הסוד, ימי הביניים, חלק ח,  488 עמודים.
ו.        תולדות יהודה רוסיה, כרך ב
ז.        גנזי יוסף פרל, שמואל ורסס, 359 עמודים.
ח.       ש' י' פריז, נישואים וגירושים, בחברה היהודי הרוסית
ט.       בנימין נתנס, מחוץ לתחום, המפגש היהודי עם האימפריה הרוסית המאוחרת

This year at the Shazar booth there are some otherwise hard to track down some books related to Poland from Tel Aviv University available for some very reduced prices amongst the titles of interest are;

א. החדר מחקרים תעודות פרקי ספרות וזכרונות עמנואל אטקס ודוד אסף (עורכים)
ב. זיכרונות יחזקאל קוטיק דוד אסף (מהדיר) שני חלקים
ג. פנקס פתוח, מרדכי נדב
ד. קרקא קזימייז קראקוב, אלחנן ריינר (עורך)
ה. בין זיכרון להכחשה, יואל רבא
ו.אלכסנדר גוטרמן, קהילות ורשה בין שתי מלחמות העולם, אוטונומיה לאומית בכבלי החוק המציאות 1917-1939
ז. גל עד- כרך כג.


 The Bialik Institutehas many new titles, amongst them:

א.       דרשות ר' זרחיה הלוי סלדין [תלמיד ר' חסדאי קרשקש], אוניברסיטת בן גורין [מהדיר: ארי אקרמן], מבוא עז עמודים+ 186 עמודים
ב.       קובץ על יד כרך כא [ניתן לקבל תוכן העניינים]
ג.        שלושת חיבורי הדקדוק של ר' יהודה חיוג' במקורם הערבי ובתרגומם לעברית - מהדורה ביקורתית, עלי ותד, דניאל סיון
ד.       כִּתַאבּ אַלנֻּתַף: פירושו הדקדוקי של ר' יהודה חיוג' לספרי נביאים בעיבוד עלי בן סלימן מאת אהרן ממן ואפרים בן-פורת, אקדמיה ללשון העברית  
ה.       מחשבת ישראל ואמונת ישראל, בעריכת דניאל לסקר, אוניברסיטת בן גוריון, 293 עמודים בעברית, 186 עמודים באנגליש, [ניתן לקבל תוכן העניינים].
ו.        יצחק כהן\ אור שמח הלכה ומשפט, משנתו של הרב הרב מאיר שמחה הכהן על משנה תורה להרמב"ם, אוניברסיטת בן גורין, 408 עמודים [חשוב]
ז.        ללמוד את שפת המולדת, מאמריו של י"ל גורדון בשנים 1881-1882, [מאמרי ביקרות על ספרים ועוד] ספריית דורות, 367 עמודים
ח.       חקרי קבלה ותפילה, משה חלמיש, אוניברסיטת בן גוריון, 458 עמודים [מלא חומר חושב] [ניתן לקבל תוכן העניינים]
ט.       ג' קוץ, חדשות וקורות הימים, מחקרים בתולדות העיתונית והתקשרות העברית והיהדות
י.        אסף ידידיה, ביקורת מבוקרת, אלטרנטיבות אורתודוקסיות למדע  היהדות 1873-1956, 415 עומדים [מצוין] [כולל בין השאר, פרקים על בית מדרש של ר' עזריאל הילדסהיימר, דורות הראשונים, ר' דוד צבי הופמן זאב יעבץ, ר' בנימין משה לוין בעל האוצר הגאונים ועוד].

Machlelet Herzog has some new titles:

א.       כתבור בהרים, מחקרים בתורה שבעל פה מוגשים ליוסף תבורי, 410+ 53 עמודים [מצוין] [ניתן לקבל תוכן העניינים].
ב.       יוחנן סילמן, בין ללכת בדרכיו, ולשמע בקלו, הוראות הלכתיות כהנחיות או כציוויים, 480 עמודים.
Magnes has many new titles:
א.       אהרן קירשנבאום, בית דין מכין ועונשים, הענישה הפלילית בעם ישראל, תורתה ותולדותיה, 1232 [!] עמודים
ב.       פנקס קהל קאסאלי מונפיראטו שמ"ט-תי"ח, בעריכת ראובן בונפיל ויצחק יודלוב, 556 עמודים, [תוכן העניינים]
ג.        הרפואה במקרא ובתלמוד, ד"ר יצחק (יוליוס) פרויס, 1022 עמודים, [תוכן העניינים]
ד.       דוד הלבני, מקורות ומסורות, סנהדרין עד מסכת הוריות, 416 עמודים.
ה.       פרקי עיון בעברית החדשה ובעשייה בה מאת משה בר-אשר, אקדמיה ללשון העברית  
ו.        משה פלאי, מכתבי העתים- עיתונים ההשכלה מ1820-1845
ח.       עודד ישראלי, פתחי היכל, עיוני אגדה ומדרש בספר הזוהר, 365 עמודים.
ט.       מחקרי תלמוד חלק ג [מצאו עותקים בודדים!]

 Reuven Mass has some new titles worth mentioning:

א.       אברהם דוד, על במותי ארץ הצבי, מקורות ומחקרים בתולדות היישוב היהודי בארץ ישראל בשלהי ימי הביניים, 322+ 73 עמודים. [אוסף מאמרים שלו, מלא חומר חשוב].
ב.       תלמוד האיגוד, סנהדרין פרק ה.
ג.        ידע העם, כרך לח-לט

Mechon Ben Tzvihas some new important titles:  
           
א.       שלום יהלום, בין גירודנה לנרבונה, אבני בנייין ליצירת הרמב"ן, 414 עמודים [מצוין]
ב.       יעקב לאטס, פנקס קהילות רומא, שע"ה-תנ"ה, כולל מבוא והערות, 409 עמודים
ג.        אליעזר טרייטל, פרקי דרבי אליעזר, נוסח, עריכה ודוגמת סינופסיס של כתבי היד, 445 עמודים [ראה כאן] [מצוין].
ד.       יואל אליצור, שמות מקומות קדומים בארץ ישראל השתמרותם וגלגוליהם, מהדורה שניה 511 עומדים.
ה.       גנזי קדם חלק ח

Kibutz Hamuchad has a few good titles this year:

א.        משה פלאי, עטרה ליושנה, המאבק ליצירת יהדות ההשכלה, 501 עמודים.
ב.        יונתן מאיר, שבחי רודקינסון, מיכאל לוי פרומקין גוקדינסון והחידות, ספריית הילל בן חיים, 248 עמודים
ג.        יורם ארדר, דרכים  בהלכה הקראית הקדומה, 372 עמודים, ספריית הילל בן חיים, [כולל חומר חשוב קשור להאבן עזרא]
ד.       ש' דורון, המהלכים בין שני העולמות, חוזרים בתשובה וחוזרים בשאלה בחברה הישראלית.

Shocken –JTS has special sales on older titles:
א.       ר' חיים הירשנזהן, מלכי בקודש, חלק ב.
ב.       שמואל גליק [מהדיר] שרידי תשובות מחכמי האימפריה העות'מנית. [ניתן לקבל יתר פרטים באי מייל]

Professor Shmuel Glick is about to release a special limited edition, of seforim. A excellent collection of Shut, from various manuscripts collections including original facsimiles notes and introductions on each Shut. Two volumes will be released shortly (one can preorder them at book week) a third volume will beprinted later on. E mail for some more details.

A new face at book week was Machlelet Efrata. Worth mentioning is:

א.       תלמידי הגר"א בארץ ישראל בסדרה היסטריה הגות וריאליה, קובץ מחקרים בעקבות יום עיון במכללת אפרתה לצין מאתים שנה לעליית תלמיד הגר"א (תק"ע-תש"ע) ראה כאן.
ב.       הקיץ הנורא ההוא, 70 שנה להשמדת הקיהלות היהודיות בערי השדה בליטה, היסטוריה הגות ריאליה, 186+ 45 עמודים. [חדש]

Carmel Publishers has some new titles:

א.       חיים שלם, אי של אפשר, סיפור חייו של בנימין מינץ, הוצאת הכרמל, 559 עמודים
ב.       ישראל ברטל, לתקן עם, נאורות ולאומיות במזרח אירופה, 396 עמודים
ג.        ספרון על האותיות העבריות, מבוא ותרגום על ידי יהודה ליבס
ד.       קתרסיס, גילון 18 כולל מאמר ביקורות של ר' שלמה זלמן הבלין על בנימין בראון 'החזון איש' [61 עמודים!]

Yeddiot Seforim has a few nice titles:

א.       הרב אהרן ליכטנשטיין, באור פניך יהלכון, מידות וערכים בעבודת ה'
ב.       הרב שלמה גורן, בעוז ותעצומות, אוטוביוגרפיה, בעריכת אבי רט, ידיעות ספרים, 366 עמודים
ג.        יחיאל הררי, סודו של הרבי,
ד.        יהושע פישל שניאורסון, חיים גראביצר סיפרו של נופל, ידעות ספרים 583 עמודים

After being out of print for years this classic is back in print.

ה.       מיכה גודמן, חלומו של הכוזרי, 380 עמודים

ו.        משה אידל, שלמויות בולעות קבלה ופרשנות, ידיעות ספרים, 695 עמודים

Some Random Academic stuff not at the book week:

א.       משנת ארץ ישראל, שמואל, זאב, וחנה ספראי, מסכת פאה
ב.       משנת ארץ ישראל, שמואל, זאב, וחנה ספראי, מסכת כלאים
ג.        משנת ארץ ישראל, ספראי- מסכת תרומות
ד.       משנת ארץ ישראל, שמואל וזאב ספראי, מסכת כתובות, ב' חלקים, 677 עמודים
ה.       ר' שלמה זלמן הבלין, מסורות התורה שבעל פה, יסודותיה, עקרונותיה והגדרותיה, 632 עמודים, [ניתן לקבל תוכן העניינים].  [מצוין]
ו.        אליאב טאוב, גדולים בפוליטיקה, הנהגתם של הרבנים עובדיה יוסף ואלעזר שך, רסלינג, 216 עמודים
ז.        פרידה שור, מלקוטי שושנים, ועד בריגדת הנייר, סיפרו של בית עקד הספרים ע"ש שטראשון בווילנה, 248 עמודים.
ח.       ספר השטרות להרב הנשיא, רבנו יהודה ב"ר בריזילי הברצלוני, עם מבואות הערות והגהות מאת פר' יוסף ריבלין, 240 עמודים.
ט.       יעל בוכמן, פאשות פלחים ופיראטים, צוהר לאורחות החיים בארץ ישאל במאות השש עשרה עד השמונה עשרה, 404 עמודים
י.        ר' הושע רבינוביץ, רבנו הגדול מהר"י אבוהב, השני, 410 עמודים

Some older excellent titles of Mercaz Shazar I thought worth mentioning:

א.       ע' אטקס, בעל השם הבעל שם טוב מאגיה מיסטיקה הנהגה
ב.       ע' אטקס, בעל התניא, ר' שניאור זלמן מלאדי וראשיתה של חסידו חב"ד
ג.        גליקל זיכרונות 1719-1691 חוה טורניאנסקי
ד.       ד' אסף, דרך המלכות ר' ישראל מרוזי'ין
ה.       דת חוברה במשנתם של חסידי אשכנז איבן מרקוס עורך
ו.        הבעש"ט, מחדש החסידות, משה רוסמן
ז.        חיים סולוביצ'יק,  היין בימי הביניים
ח.       ש' שטמפפר הישיבה הליטאית בהתהוותה,
ט.       הרמב"ם משה הלברטל
י.        הרמב"ם שמרונת מקוריות מהפכנות אבי רביצקי עורך שני חלקים
יא.     השכלה והיסטוריה, ש' פיינר
יב.     והוא ימשול בך, האישה במשנתם של חכמי ישראל בימי הביניים, אברהם גרוסמן
יג.      חסידות ומורדות , אברהם גרוסמן
יד.     חריגים בעל כורחם: משוגעים ומצורעים בחברה היהודת באירופה בימי הבניים, אפרים שהם שטיינר
טו.     טקסי ילדות, איבן מרקוס
טז.      אטקס, יחיד בדורו הגאון מווילנה
יז.      ישיבות ובתי מדרשות, ע' אטקס עורך
יח.     ישיבות ליטא פרקי זכרונות ע' אטקס וש' טיקוצ'ינסקי עורכים
יט.     ישן מפני חדש שי' לע' אטקס שני חלקים
כ.       עמרם טרופר, כחומר ביד היוצר, מעשהי חכמים בספרות חז"ל
כא.    י' גפני, יהודי בבל בתקופת התלמוד
כב.    ד' אסף, נאחז בסבך, פרקי משבר ומבוכה בתולדות החסידות
כג.     נגד אפיון יוספוס פלוויוס ב' חלקים, אריה כשר מהדיר
כד.    סוד מאגיה ופרישות במשנתם של בעלי התוספות, אפרים קנרפוגל
כה.    ספר חסידים חיבור גנוז בגנותה של החסידות
כו.     צדיק ועדה, ד' אסף עורך
כז.     קדושת החיים וחירוף הנפש, י' גפני וא' רביצקי עורכים
כח.    ראשונים ואחרונים לאברהם גרוסמן
כט.    ר' חסדאי קרשקש זאב הרווי
ל.        רב סעדיה גאון, י' ברודי,
לא.    רש"י דמותו יצירתו ב' חלקים
לב.    שו"ת כמקור היסטורי, חיים סולוביצ'יק
לג.     שורשי החילון מתירנות וספקנות ביהדות המאה 18, ש' פיינר
לד.    יוסף דן, תולדות תורת הסוד העברית, ח' חלקים



The Kabbalat Shabbat Memorandum by Rabbi Prof. Daniel Sperber

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The Kabbalat Shabbat Memorandum       Sivan 5773

by Rabbi Prof. Daniel Sperber

The recent rather acrid debate on women leading the Kabbalat Shabbat service appeared, at first, to be primarily a halachic one. But it soon overflowed into additional areas, revealing it as a clearly political polemic. Indeed, I found the whole discussion which appeared on a whole series of blogs, and a major published article, most astonishing. We are not talking about women reading the Torah and/or having aliyot. The criticisms raised against this practice I can well appreciate, though I disagree with them and have sought to refute them.

But here we are talking about a practice first established in the latter years of the 16th cent., among a small group of people, disciples of the Ari ha-Kadosh in Safed, which took place outside the confines of the synagogue looking over the hills and watching the sunset, and reciting some psalms and piyyutim. It gradually spread to other venues, first being practiced outside the synagogue in the courtyard, and, later, when in the synagogue, recited at the bimah, rather than the chazan's lectern, clearly to emphasize its different status from the Maarivservice. In many communities there is no sheliah tzibbur leading the service; rather the congregants sing the Psalms together. Indeed, in small communities often the service begins even before there is a minyan of ten men, and the congregation wait for the requisite number in order to say Barchu.

As to the argument that, as it is followed by Kaddish, it must have the status of a tefillat tzibbur or teffilat rabbim, a communal service which cannot be led by women, it should be noted that the Kaddish Yatom only comes after Mizmor Shir le-Yom ha-Shabbat, which is already found in some Rishonim as part of the Maariv Shel Shabbat; and therefore does not in any sense relate to the Kabbalists of Safed's Kabbalat Shabbat. Furthermore, Kaddish Yatom itself may be recited by women, as was ruled by R. Ahron Soloveitchik and others. But, in point of fact, this Kaddishis not found in early sources, such as the Tur (Orah Hayyim 337).  Indeed, the whole argument aimed to give Kabbalat Shabbat this new status is far-fetched.

But the debate about Kabbalat Shabbat was intended to have far broader implications, for, by the same argument it would also disallow women to lead Pesukei de-Zimra, for example. Indeed, this tendentious aim is overtly revealed by yet another argument put forward, namely that a Shaliah tzibbur must have a full beard; something that obviously excludes women, (Shulhan Aruch 53:6). The reason given is the dignity of the congregation, kevod ha-tzibbur, which is clearly irrelevant in present day society.  Both the Maharam Mi-Rotenberg and the Rashba agree that the congregation can waive this requirement.  The original ruling applied only to permanent shlichei tzibbur, not to occasional readers, and, on occasion, even a thirteen-year old, who has reached maturity may lead the service. Additionally, the Biur Halachah writes that this requirement may be waived when there is no one else to fulfill this function. And finally, this restriction referred to very specific prayers, such as Keriat Shema, on fast-days in Eretz Yisrael because of drought, and The High Holidays. In any case, nowadays hardly any synagogue requires its reader to be bearded; even American Rabbis are often clean-shaven, because the plain meaning of that ruling is that a service should be led by one who is mature, i.e. post-bar-mitzvah. And a thirty-year old without a beard is fully eligible to serve as a shaliah tzibbur. Indeed some of greatest hazzanim were beardless, such as the Koussevitzky brothers, Mosheh, David, Jacob and Simhah, Leibele Waldman, Leibele Glanz, Zavel Kwartin, Shmuel Malavsky, to list only a few of the best-known names.

Two additional arguments were put forward. Firstly, that for Kabbalat Shabbat, the Shaliah Tzibbur wears a tallit. This, of course, is in the case where there is a Shaliah Tzibbur. Now according to the Magen Avraham (Orah Hayyim 18:1) citing the Bayit Hadash (Bah) one really should remove the tallit one is wearing when one says Barechu since it is night and one does not wear tzitzit at night. And so many Aharonimspecifically rebuked those who wore a tallit at night. However, those who did so, did so because of kabbalistic reasons related to Kevod Shabbat, and not kevod ha-tzibbur. Indeed, there were even those who wore a tallit for kiddush at home, and kiddush at home is hardly a tefillat tzibbur or rabbim, (see J. Levy, Minhag Yisrael Torah 1, Brooklyn 1994, pp.87-88).

The second point raised was, curiously enough, from R. David Sperber, my grandfather's Teshuvot: Afrakasta de-Anya, (3rd ed, Israel 2002, vol.4, p.215). There he says that if one cannot find a minyan, at least try to pray with two other people, since this would constitute a tefillat rabbim, which is more readily accepted by God. He derives this from a passage in Hayyei Adam(Klal 68:11) who says that every mitzvah which can be done be-haburahin a group, should be so done, and not as an individual, because "the greater the number of people, the greater is the honour to the king." If three people give tzedakah, does that make it a rabbim? If three people declaim Psalms together does that make it a tefillat rabbim? Surely the term my grandfather zt"l used was not intended to give a special status to the group of three, but merely to say that such a mitzvahor prayer is more acceptable before the Holy One Blessed be He, than that of a single individual. (His other reference to vol.2 p.211 is quite irrelevant to this issue.)

(On a personal note, I might add, that in order fully to understand my sainted grandfather's ruling, one has to appreciate his particular brand of hassidic piety, which was a blend of halachah, kabbalah and a special brand of hassidut. See my father's introduction in his Michtam le-David on the Torah.

His belief in the efficacy of prayers was all so evident to anyone who saw him in prayer.  I served him in his latter years and received my semichah from him.)

Now my learned colleagues knew all these facts, which are plainly evident to anyone who is conversant with the relevant sources. Nonetheless, they chose to disregard them, or to reinterpret them in a forced fashion.

So looking more closely at the discussion, it becomes evident that rather than this being a genuinely halachic debate, it is more a socio-political polemic, built on shaky grounds and dressed in the somewhat misleading garb of halachic disquisition.

(And see now the very significant comments of Prof. Marc B. Shapiro, (link), and Rabbi Zev Farber's responses to Rabbi R. Freundel’s articles.)

Another note on Women's aliyot.

One of the central points of controversy between those who permit women's aliyot and those who do not, is the understanding of the critical text in B. Megillah 23a which states that "all are counted among the seven aliyot, even women and children. But the Rabbis said: 'A woman should not read the Torah because of the dignity of the community' ". It is this final section that is the main source of the controversy. Some have claimed that "But the Rabbis said: A woman should not read…" is an absolute decree that cannot be changed. Others – myself included – have argued that this is advice, rather than a decree, limited by the principle of "the dignity of the community". That is to say, if there is no such slight on the community, the advice becomes irrelevant. I argued that most of the places where the phrase "But the Rabbis said" may be understood as "advice" and not "decree". Recently Ephraim Bezalel Halivni sought to show that in many instances "But the Rabbis said" should clearly be understood as a "decree" formulation. However, he himself (Studies in Liturgy and Reading The Torah, Jerusalem 2012, p.160) agrees that there are examples where this phrase can be understood as "advice". Hence, even according to his position, he will have to agree that it is possiblethat in our Megillah text "But the Rabbis said" may be advice. In other words there is an element of uncertainty (safek) as to the precise interpretation of that text.

And even if we were to interpret it, as have some, as a decree, it is a decree with a reason. Now there exists a well-known controversy between Rambam and Raavad as to whether when the reason for a decree is no longer relevant the decree is still in force; Rambam says yes, and Raavad disagrees. It is true that in such controversies we follow the Rambam; however, it is equally true that it is not certainthat he is correct.  Perhaps the Raavad's position is more correct. In other words, there still exists an element of uncertainty (a safek) as to who is right. It is just that in accordance with certain pragmatic rules of halachic adjudications (pesak), we follow the ruling of Rambam.

Moreover, R. Yosef Messas added a further consideration, arguing that even according to the view of Rambam, this principle only applies where there is a fear that the original reason could be relevant in the future. But in a case where there is little or no reason to think that the reason will resurface, the original prohibitions may be disregarded, (Otzar Michtavim 1, 454; cf. Marc B. Shapiro, Conversations 7, 2010, p.101). Here too, we may be fairly certain that in our modern society the dignity of the community will not be impugned by a woman's aliyah even in the future, in addition to which, we have already pointed out that a community can, according to both the Maharam Mi-Rotenburg and the Rashba, forgo their dignity should they so wish.

Now, I cannot say that R. Messas' interpretation is necessarily correct.  There exists a safek, in fact, a triple sfek sfeka: (i) what is the correct interpretation of B. Megillah's phrase, (ii) whether to rule like Rambam or the Raavad, and (iii) even if one follows Rambam, should we accept R. Messas' interpretation that it applies even when there is little or no reason to think that the reason will resurface.

Without going into all the details of the very complex kuntres sfek-sfeka, surely here we should rule: sfek sfeka le-kula, most leniently, admitting the permissibility of women's aliyot, especially when added to all our other arguments.

Final Note

And finally, a somewhat pedagogical comment. The Beit Yosef, of R. Yosef Caro in Yoreh Deah 242 writes:
It is forbidden for a hacham to give a ruling permitting something which looks strange, for the masses will see this as permitting the forbidden.
He bases himself on Hagahot Maimoniyot to Rambam Hilchot Talmud Torah chapter 5 sect.6.  Now almost all innovations look strange, and can easily be understood as permitting the forbidden . And indeed this is the ruling in Shulhan Aruch Yoreh Deah 242:10. (And see Beur ha-Gra ibid. sect. 21 for Talmudic sources.) But the Shach (Siftei-Chen) ad loc. sect.17 modifies this statement as follows:
It would appear that this [refers to a case] where he permitted [something] without any explanation [for his ruling] – setam– and indeed so it appears from the proofs he brings from Hagahot Maimoniyot and B. Sanhedrin 5ab… and B. Nidah 20a…, and the beginning of B. Berachot (3 b)…  But if he tells the questioner the reason for his ruling, and explains to him his arguments (ומראה לו פנים), or if he brings evidence from the book, it is permitted.
And the Beer Heiteiv brings this in abbreviated form. (See also note 8, ad loc. in Otzar Mefarshim in the Machon Yerushalayim [Friedman] ed. of the Shulhan Aruch.)

This indicates to us very clearly that all the changes that we are advocating must not only be firmly based in our canonic sources, but also clearly presented to the general public.

Summer of 2013 Book Sale

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Summer of 2013 Book Sale
By Eliezer Brodt
This list consists of a few parts. Part one is composed of seforim and books printed by the Iggud. The rest of the list is composed of seforim and books which I came across while hunting for seforim. Many of these titles are very hard to find. Some of the prices are better than others, but all in all I think they are fair. Almost all the books are brand new or in very good shape. Also included in this list are over one hundred titles of academic books that are in print but are being offered here for cheaper prices. There is only one copy of many of these titles so they are being sold on a first come, first serve basis. E mail your order to eliezerbrodt@gmail.com. I will than send you a bill based on what is available. Payment will be done Via Pay Pal. Shipping is not included in the price; that depends on the order and size, ranging between 5-9 dollars(with a few exceptions) a book. All books will be air mailed out after I receive the money.

Feel free to ask for details about any specific book on the list. All questions should be sent to me at eliezerbrodt@gmail.com thank you and enjoy.

Part of the proceedsof this sale will be going to help support the efforts of the Seforim blog.    
חלק א
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א.       שרה יפת, פירוש ר' שמואל בן מאיר (רשב"ם) לשיר השירים 20$
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ג.        צבי בצר, מנחת שי על חמישה חומשי תורה 20$
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ה.       חיים קרייסל, לוית חן לר' לוי בן אברהם 20$
ו.        יאיר שיפמן, מורה המורה לשם טוב פלקירה 20$
ז.        משה גיל ועזרא פליישר, רבי יהודה הלוי ובני חוגו [מצוין]20$
ח.       אהרן דותן, אור ראשון בחכמת הלשון שני חלקים 36$
ט.       רימון כשר, תוספתות תרגום לנביאים 20$
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יא.     תשובות מהר"ם מרוטנבורג וחבירו ב' חלקים  מהדיר: שמחה עמנואל 50$
חלק ב
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ב.       ר' דוד צבי רוטשטיין, מידות סדום, ראשי פרקים מקורות והערות, [מצוין] [נדיר] 298+ 532 עמודים, 24$
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טו.    מדרש הגניזה, בתי מדרשות – ב' חלקים, ר' אהרן ורטהימר, 50$
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כא.    מבוא לספר הלכות פסוקות, עם תשלום הלכות פסוקות, [נחמן דנציג], 18$
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כד.    גאוניקה, ב, לוי גינצבורג, 25$
כה.    ספר פתרון תורה, מהדיר: אפרים אורבך, 28$
כו.     רי"ף, על מסכת פסחים פסח ראשון, 19$
כז.     ספר פרשנדתא, על חכמי צרפת מפרשי המקרא מאת אברהם גייגר\ מאמר על פי' רש"י למסכות נדרים ומועד קטן, ב' צאמבער, 24$
כח.     פרושי התורה לר' חיים פלטיאל, 22$
כט.    ר' אברהם אבן עזרא, יסוד מורא וסוד תורה, [בר אילן] 28$
ל.       רש"י על התורה מכתב יד, הוצאת ליהמן 28$
לא.    ילקוט מכירי, ישיעה משלי 16$
לב.    רשב"ם על התורה, מהדורת דוד ראזין, 15$
לג.     תשובות ופסקים, מהדיר: א' קופפר 25$
לד.    פירוש מסכת אבות לרבי מתתיה היצהרי, מהדיר יעקב שפיגל, 15$
לה.    ר' אברהם בן מיגאש, כבוד אלקים, מגנס 35$
לו.     עמודי גולה סמ"ק עם הגהות מהר"י צייטליש 24$
לז.     פירוש רבינו מיוחס לספר שמות 23$
לח.    טעמי מסורת המקרא, לר' יהודה החסיד 7$
לט.    מדרש שיר השירים, לר' אביגדור כ"ץ 20$
מ.       אברבנאל, מפעלות אלהים, עם מבואות והערות, ברכה גנוט דרור, 24$
מא.   מדרש רב דוד הנגיד שמות 22$
מב.   טעמי וסודות התפילות להושענות ופיוטי שמחת תורה להרוקח 8$
מג.    סידור רבנו שלמה ברבי נתן [ש' חגי מהדיר] 21$
מד.    ספר המנוחה ה' קריאת שמע, תפילה וברכות מוסד רב קוק 30$
מה.   ספר הפרדס לר' אשר בן רבי חיים על הלכות ברכות 13$
מו.     כתבי הרמב"ם ובנו ר' אברהם, [כולל: תשובות הרמב"ם השלם, ספר חידושי הרמב"ם, אגרות ואמרי הרמב"ם השלם, חידושי הרמב"ם למסכת ר"ה, ספר ברכת אברהם לר' אברהם בן הרמב"ם] 18$
מז.     א' קופפר, מהדיר, פירושי מסכת פסחים וסוכה מבית מדרשו של רש"י, מקיצי נרדמים, ירושלים תשמ"ד, 11$
מח.   תשובות חכמי פרובינציא, מהדיר, ר' אברהם סופר, 26$
מט.   ר' יהודה חלאוה, אמרי שפר על התורה 13$
נ.        רבי חסדאי קרשקש, אור השם, מהדורות ר' שלמה פישר, 24$
אחרונים
נא.    ר' יאיר חיים בכרך, [בעל ה'חות יאיר'], מר קשישא, ספר כללים [מצוין!] 12$
נב.    ר' שמואל ואלדבערג, דרכי השינויים, מחקר על דרכי מדרש הכתובים בספר חז"ל, 28$
נג.     אלפי מנשה חלק א \אמונה והשגחה\ לב האריה [ר' יהודה אריה מודינא]\צמח צדיק [ר' יהודה אריה מודינא]\ צל העולם\ מזור ותרופה\אלדד הדני, 19$
נד.     אלפי מנשה חלק ב\ עמודי שש\דעת קדושים\זכר צדיק\ 20$
נה.    ר' אליעזר פאפו, דמשק אליעזר, 15$
נו.      מכתבי מרום, ממרון הגרי"מ חרל"פ 13$
נז.      ר' יאיר עובדיה, אור לגויים הלכות עבודה זרה, 18$
נח.    ר' נתן צבי פרידמן, שו"ת נצר מטעי 18$
נט.    ר' שריה דבליצקי, זה השלחן, ג' חלקים 36$
ס.       ר' חנוך ארנטרוי, קמץ המנחה דרשות על התורה, 22$ 
סא.   כתבי רבי עקיבא יוסף שלזינגר [לב העברי, ברית עולם, חברה מחזירי עטרה ליושנה] 33$
סב.   ר' זאב רבינוביץ, שערי תורת בבל [כולל הערות חשובות על סדר הדורות] [מצוין] 50$
סג.    ר' זאב רבינוביץ, שערי תורת ארץ ישראל [על הירושלמי], 50$
סד.    גנזי אוכספרד, דרך טובים, כמה צוואת, מכ"י 22$
סה.   ר' אליהו פייוולזאהן נצח ישראל [ספר מלא חומר חשוב ומעניין] 21$
סו.     צאינה וראינה – מהדורה עברית מבוארת, ע"י מ' קוזק כולל הערות ומבוא על הספר, ירושלים תשל"ה, ש"ד עמודים + 54 עמודים (מבוא) 17$
סז.     ר' צבי מקארסאן, ידיו באמונה [מעניין]17$
סח.   ר' שריה דבליצקי, דיני תשעה באב ביום א ודיני שבת שלפניו תשע"ב, 9$
סט.   ר' שריה דבליצקי, וזרח השמש, מנהגי מנין ותיקין בבית הכנסת תפארת ציון בבני ברק 14$
ע.       הוראת שעה [לישב ויש לישב במהרש"א] 5$ כריכה רכה
עא.   ר' דוד צבי הופמן -ספר ויקרא ב' חלקים 50$
עב.   שו"ת ציון לנפש חיה, הרב לייטר [מצויין] 16$
עג.    חידושי דינים מהלכות פסח, עם הערות הגאון רי"פ פערלא, 16$
עד.    סדר אליהו אדר"ת, מוסד רב קוק 70$
עה.   דרשות נפוצות יהודה, ר' יהודה מוסקאטו [פורמוט גדול] 18$
עו.     ר' יצחק אהרן, עיני יצחק ביאורים וחידושים בעין יעקב, [כריכה רכה] 15$
עז.     ר' יהודה אלחריזי, ספר תחכמוני, [זמורה] 16$
עח.   בתורתו של ר' גדליה (נדל) [מהדורה שניה] 24$
עט.   גליוני יואל, אביו של ר' הרצוג, 20$
פ.       מסורת משה, הוראות והנהגותת שנשמעו מאת רבן של כל בני הגולה ופוסק הדור הגאון ר' משה פיינשטיין, תרכא עמודים 19$
פא.   גנזים ושו"ת חזון איש חלק ג 16$
פב.   קרבן שבת\ צלותא דמעלי שבתא\ תיקוני שבת 12$
פג.    קובץ מפרשי המהרש"א: חמשה ספרים בכרך אחד: הוראה שעה\ בית אברהם\ אמרי בינה\ מחנה אפרים\ ישוב הדעת. 16$
פד.    תהלוכות היבשה [הלכות הולכי דרכים] [נדפס ב1869] 14$
פה.   ר' אברהם שלום, נוה שלום חלק ב 16$
פו.     בארות נתן, ר' נתן רבינוביץ ביאורים על הש"ס, 12$.
פז.     ר' יצחק טייב, חקת הפסח, וערך השלחן 18$
פח.   מנוחה וקדושה [תלמיד של גר"ח וולאזניר, מצוין] 22$
פט.   בעל שם טוב מנוקד, מסודר לפני ענינים, ב' חלקים 23$
צ.       ר' דוד יואל ווייס, מגדים חדשים, במדבר, 18$
צא.   אור פני יצחק, על ר' יצחק פייגענבוים 13$
צב.   ילקוט חדש  8$
צג.    מדרש אגדה בראשית עם פ' עץ יוסף ענף יוסף ויד יוסף7$
צד.    דרש משה, דרוש ר' משה ראב"ד קראקא, 15$
צה.   מנחת יהודה על ש"ס [תלמיד נחלת דוד] 14$
צו.     דרשות ר' יצחק קארו [מהדירף ש' רגב], 19$
צז.     תורי זהב על שיר השירים\ שקל הקודש על מגילת אסתר\ ברית קודש על עניני מילה לר' שמואל באנדי 22$
צח.   שד"ל על התורה, 22$
צט.   גבעת פנחס, ר' פנחס מפאלאצק, תלמיד הגר"א 12$.
ק.       ר' יצחק וויס, שיח יצחק על התורה מכון ירושלים 9$
קא.   תורת מוסר ר' חיים ריינס, מוסד רב קוק, 10$
קב.   מאורות נתן\ברך משה ר' נתן אלעווסקיא, מכון ירושלים 9$
קג.    משברי ים ר' משה לייטר, ביאורים וחידושים לתלמוד בבלי, רעט עמודים, מוסד רב קוק תשל"ט, 13$
קד.    ירחון תבונה לר' ישראל סלנטר 9$
קה.   חקר ועיון חלק ג ר' קלמן כהנא 8$
קו.     יצחק קארדווזו, מעלות העברים, [מלא חומר מעניין] 12$
קז.     אמת קנה\ ספר חסידים [אחיין של הרא"ש]\ דרך טובים\דרך סלולה\ דרך חיים\ מגילת סדרים [ר' יהודה הורובייץ ויכוח ומחקר בין מקובלים ותלמידים]\ צל המעלות 9$

מחקר
 מקרא- חז"ל עד גאונים
א.       מפרשי המקרא, עזרא מלמד, ב' חלקים 50$
ב.       דב רפל, תרגום אונקלוס, 21$
ג.        רפאל פוזן, העקיבות התרגומית בתרגום אונקלוס, [מצוין], 23$
ד.       יהודה קומלוש, המקרא באור התרגום 20$
ה.       יוסף היינימן, אגדות ותולדותיהן 20$
ו.        פרקי דרבי אליעזר, נוסח עריכה ודוגמת סינופסיס של כתבי היד, אליעזר טרייטל, 19$
ז.        עיונים באבות דרבי נתן, נוסח עריכה ופרשנות, מנחם קיסטר, 14$
ח.       ע"צ מלמד, פרקי מבוא לספרות התלמוד, 38$
ט.       ע"צ מלמד, עיונים בספרות התלמוד, 32$
י.        מאיר איילי, פועלים ואומנים, מלאכתם ומעמדם בספרות חז"ל, 33$
יא.     שמואל ספראי ארץ ישראל וחכמיה בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד 15$
יב.     פשיטא לחמש מגילות 26$
יג.      יונה פרנקל, דרכי האגדה והמדרש, ב' חלקים 75$
יד.     אברהם ביכלר, הסנהדרין, מוסד רב קוק 19$
טו.     אפרים אלימלך אורבך, חז"ל פרקי אמונות ודעות [כריכה קשה] 26$
טז.     כתבי רבי נחמן קרוכמאל, [ראבידוביץ] 50$
יז.      לוי גניצבורג, שרידי הירושלמי, 26$
יח.     מחקרי תלמוד חלק א, 18$
יט.     מחקרי תלמוד חלק ב, 30$
כ.       מחקרי תלמוד חלק ג, [ב' חלקים] [מצוין] כולל בין השאר חיבור הנפלא 'תורה שבעל פה פשוטה כמשמעה כוחו של קוצו של יו"ד' של יעקב זוסמן 57$
כא.    דרכי משנה, זכריה פרנקל 29$
כב.    יעקב נחום אפשטיין, מבואות לספרות התנאים 50$
כג.     יעקב נחום אפשטיין, מבואות לספרות האמוראים 50$
כד.    ארץ ישראל בבל וארצות הגולה, ר' יקותיאל גרינוואלד 50 $
כה.    תולדות הכהנים הגדולים, ר' יקותיאל גרינוואלד 50$
כו.     הכהנים ועבודתם, ביכליר 22$
כז.     הסנהדרין גדולה ביכליר 22$
כח.    אייזיק ווייס, דוד דור ודרשיו, ה' חלקים 55$
כט.    יוסף דרנבורג, משא ארץ ישראל 17$
ל.       אברהם ביכלר, עם הארץ הגלילי, מוסד רב קוק 12$
לא.    תולדות הישוב היהודי בארץ ישראל ש' קליין 22$
לב.    דניאל שפרבר, תרבות חומרית בארץ ישראל בימי התלמוד חלק ב  16$
לג.     בעקבות תולעת השני הארץ ישראלית, זהר עמר 16$
לה.    ר' דוד צבי הופמן, המשנה הראשונה ופלוגתא דתנאי 9$
לו.     שמואל קרויס, קדמוניות התלמוד, כרך א חלק א, 15$
לז.      ישראל פיינטוך, מסורות ונוסחאות בתלמוד, מחקרים, [בר אילן], 25$
לח.    שמואל ספראי, העלייה לרגל בימי בית שני, 33$
לט.    ספרי זוטא, שואל ליברמן 28$
מ.       שקיעין- מדרשי תימן, שואל ליברמן 13$
מא.   ג' אלון מחקרים תולודת ישראל ב' חלקים 30$
מב.   עמרם טרופר, כחומר ביד היוצר, מעשהי חכמים בספרות חז"ל, 19$
מג.      י' גפני, יהודי בבל בתקופת התלמוד [מצוין] 23$
מד.    על היצירה הספרותית של האמוראים, אברהם ווייס $28
מה.   קורות התהוות הבבלי, אברהם ווייס [נדיר] 30$
מו.     אברהם וויס, על מסכת ב"ק 28$
מז.     לחקר התלמוד אברהם ווייס 28$
מח.   א' כהן, רבינו וחכמי דורו, עיונים בסדר הזמנים של אמוראים אחרונים בבל, 28$
מט.   שמא פרידמן, תוספתא עתיקתא, מסכת פסח ראשון [מצוין], 25$
נ.        הסנהדרין הגדולה, מוסד רב קוק, הוניג $22
נא.    אפרים אדרת, מחורבן לתקומה, 24$
נב.    המשנה בבבלי ובירושלמי, א' שכטר, מוסד רב קוק 26$
נג.     לתולדות הסנהדרין בישראל, ר' יקותיאל גרינוואלד, 20$
נד.     מחקרים בספרות התלמודית, [יום עיון לרגל מלאת שמונים שנה לשאול ליברמן], כולל מאמרים מיעקב זוסמן, ד' רוזנטל, ש"י פרידמן, ש"ז הבלין ועוד, 24$
נה.    דוד קופמין, מחקרים, מוסד רב קוק 22$
נו.      ר' שלמה זלמן הבלין, מסורת התורה שבעל פה תשע"ב, ניתן לקבל דוגמא 25$ [ספר מצוין, 632 עמודים] 25$
נז.      מחקרים בתקופת בית שני פ' חורגין 30$
נח.     מ"א טננבלאט, התלמוד הבבלי בהתהוותו ההיסטורית, 28$
נט.    מחקרים בתלמוד, בנימין דה פריס, מוסד רב קוק $18
ס.       מקורות ומסורות ד' הלבני, סדר נשים 30$
סא.   בבלי, פ' אלו עוברין, סטיבין וולד, 12$
גאונים וראשונים
סב.   תקופת הסבוראים וספרותה, יעקב אפרתי 23$
סג.    משה גיל, ארץ ישראל בתקופה המוסלמית הראשונה, ג' חלקים 85$
סד.    שמחה אסף, תקופת הגאונים וספרותה 21$
סה.   יהודית דישון, ספר שעשועים, ליוסף בן מאיר אבן זבארה, 24$
סו.     אברהם אליהו הרכבי, מאסף נדחים, 44$
סז.     אברהם אליהו הרכבי, חדשים גם ישנים 50$
סח.   שי"ר תולדות גדולי ישראל, ב' חלקים 60$
סט.   גנזי שכטר חלק ג 25$
ע.       שרגא אברמסון, עניינות בספרות הגאונים $40
עא.   במרכזים ובתפוצות, שרגא אברמסון 35$
עב.   ש"ד גויטיין, סדרי חינוך מתקופת הגאונים עד בית הרמב"ם יצחק בן צבי  25$
עג.     אברהם גרוסמן, חכמי צרפת הראשונים, 32$
עד.    אברהם גרוסמן, חכמי אשכנז הראשונים, 28$
עה.   ספר רש"י, מוסד רב קוק 33$
עו.     יעקב רייפמאן, עיונים במשנת הראב"ע, 21$
עז.     קובץ ר' יהודה הלוי, מוסד רב קוק, תש"י,  22$
עח.   קובץ על הרמב"ם מוסד רב קוק,  30$
עט.   מבוא למשנה תורה לרמב"ם טברסקי 32$
פ.       ישראל מ' תא-שמע, הספרות הפרשנית לתלמוד, א, [מצוין] 23$
פא.   ישראל מ' תא-שמע, הספרות הפרשנית לתלמוד, ב, [מצוין] 23$
פב.   יונה פרנקל,  לדרכו של לרש"י בפירושו לתלמוד בבלי, 25$
פג.    רש"י תורתו ואישויותו, בעריכת ד"ר שמעון פדרבוש [אוסף מאמרים] 29$
פד.    הרמב"ן ויצירתו, תערוכה במלאות 700 שנה לעליתו ארצה ,תשכ"ח, עורך ישראל תא שמע 22 עמודים [כריכה רכה] 13$
פה.   כללי הרמב"ן שרגא אברמסון 21$
פו.     יהודה ליב גירשט, תחנות בספרות ישראל, חלק שני, מזמן ראשית הצמיחה של ספרות ישראל בספרד המוסלימית עד דורו של ר' יהודה הלוי, 20$
פז.     יהודה ליב גירשט, תחנות בספרות ישראל, ב' חלקים,  מזמן חתימת התלמוד- מזמן ראשית הצמיחה של ספרות ישראל בספרד המוסלימית עד דורו של ר' יהודה הלוי, 40$ [ספרים חשובים]
פח.   שלם, כרך שביעי, [אוסף חשוב] 13$
פט.   דת וחברה במשנתם של חסידי אשכנז, איבן מרקוס עורך, 13$
צ.       פרקי עיון במשנת האבן עזרא, ליפשיץ, מוסד רב קוק 20$
צא.   אזן מלין תבחן, מחקרים בדרכו הפרשנית של ר' אברהם אבן עזרא, אוריאל סימון, [בר אילן] [מצוין], 557 עמודים, 32$
צב.   משה הלברטל, בין תורה לחכמה, רבי מנחם המאירי ובעלי ההלכה המיימונים בפרובנס, 19$
צג.    שלם, כרך שמיני, [אוסף חשוב],14$
צד.    תשובות שאלות להרשב"א דפוס צילום רומא ש"ל עם מבוא של ש' זלמן הבלין35$,
צה.   שמעון אפנשטיין, עיון וחקר, מוסד רב קוק, 20$
צו.     הרמב"ם, משה הלברטל, 18$
צז.     הרמב"ם :שמרונת מקוריות מהפכנות, אבי רביצקי עורך, שני חלקים, 32$
צח.    ר' חסדאי קרשקש, זאב הרווי 18$
צט.   רב סעדיה גאון, י' ברודי 18$
ק.       רש"י דמותו יצירתו, ב' חלקים [מצוין] 32$
קא.   סוד מאגיה ופרישות במשנתם של בעלי התוספות, אפרים קנרפוגל 23$
אחרונים
קב.   אשר זיו, רבינו משה איסרליש [רמ"א] מהדורה שניה 42$
קג.    חיים קוליץ, החוזה מליטא, 15$
קד.    פרי מגדים לר' דוד די סילוה הרופא מירושלים, 13$
קה.   ר' מרדכי הלוי הורוויץ, רבני פרנקפורט, מוסד רב קוק 34$
קו.     יצחק רפאל, ראשונים ואחרונים, [ספר מצוין] 22$
קז.     אנשי שם העיר לבוב וגדוליה, ש' בובר, [דפוס צילום] 28$
קח.   קרית נאמנה, [על ווילנא], שמואל פין, 70$
קט.   מעלות היוחסין מאת ר' אפרים זלמן מרגליות עם הערות 10$
קי.     משה צינוביץ, עץ חיים [על ווולוז'ין] [ספר מצוין] 33$
קיא.הצופה לדורו על הרב קמלהאר, יהושע מונדשיין 19$
קיב.משואה לדור, על ר' צבי פסח פרנק 22$
קיג.  ר' יקותיאל גרינואלד, הרב ר' יוהנתן אייבשיץ, 36$
קיד.  אמיר משיח, הלכה בתמורות הזמן, במשנתו של הרב שלמה זלמן אוירבך, 27$
קטו.אהרן סורסקי, רבי שמעון ותורתו, 18$
קטז.אגרות ר' אייזק הלוי, (בעל דורות הראשונים), מוסד רב קוק, 22$
קיז.   בנימין בראון, לקראת דמוקרטיזציה במנהגיות החרדית דוקטרינת דעת תורה במפנה המאות העשרים והעשרים ואחת, 16$
קיח.תולדות ר' שלמה קלוגר\אביר הרועים\ אהל שלמה 19$
קיט.תולדות אדם\ תולדות מנחם \ תולדות יצחק 19$
קכ.   רבי משה אלשיך שמעון שלם, מכון בן צבי, [בעריכת מאיר בניהו] 25$
קכא.  יוסף פאור, הרב ישראל משה חזן, האיש ומשנתו, 20$
קכב.  הרב הירש ומשנתו 21$
קכג.הלל זידמן ר' שרגא פיבול מנדלוביץ 22$
קכד.מכתבים ואגרות קודש מאוסף יחיאל פישהאוף, תשס"ב, 419 עמודים, 24$
קכה.  אברהם פוקס, האדמו"ר מסאטמר, 28$
קכו.  תולדות שלשת הרועים – ג' ספרים בכרך אחד: א]-עטרת הלוים על השל"ה פ' מדובנא 80 עמודים ב] כתר כהונה על הש"ך- ח' פרידבערג 37 עמודים ג] שלשלת זהב על ר' נפתלי כץ 92 עמודים – 23$
קכז.  גאון הוראה אחרי 50 שנה, היסוטריה\ הגות\ רייאליה, קובץ מחקרים תשע"ב, על ר' צבי פסח פרנק, כרכיה רכה 23$
קכח.  נריה גוטל, חדשים גם ישנים, בנתיבי משנתו ההלכתית הגותית של הרב קוק, [מצוין], 20$
קכט.  אגרות רמח"ל, [מהדיר: ר' שריקי] 22$
קל.    ש' באילובלוצקי, אם למסדורת, בר אילן תשל"א, 280 עמודים, [כולל מאמרים על רבו ר' איזה'לה מפוניבז' רב סעדיה גאון ועוד דברים חשובים], 23$
קלא.  כתבי הגאונים: ר' צבי הלוי הורוויץ\ תולדות משפחת הורוויץ\ תולדות ר' איזיקל האמבוגר\ ברכת יצחק- על ר' יצחק הורוויץ, 22$
קלב.   חיים גרטנר, הרב והעיר הגדולה: הרבנות בגליציה ומפגשה עם המודרנה 1815-1867, [מציון], 26$
קלג.עמנואל אטקס, יחיד בדורו הגאון מווילנה, 19$
קלד.הגר"א ובית מדרשו, [מ' חלמיש ועוד עורכים], 22$
קלה.  אסף ידידיה, ביקורת מבוקרת, אלטרנטיבות אורתודוקסיות למדע  היהדות 1873-1956, 415 עומדים [מצוין] [כולל בין השאר, פרקים על בית מדרש של ר' עזריאל הילדסהיימר, דורות הראשונים, ר' דוד צבי הופמן זאב יעבץ, ר' בנימין משה לוין בעל האוצר הגאונים ועוד[ 24$
קלו.  יצחק כהן\ אור שמח הלכה ומשפט, משנתו של הרב הרב מאיר שמחה הכהן על משנה תורה להרמב"ם, אוניברסיטת בן גורין, 408 עמודים [חשוב], 24$
תפילה וכדומה
קלז.  אורי ארליך, תפילת העמידה של ימות החול, נוסחי הסידורים בגניזה הקהירית שורשיהם ותולדותיהם, יצחק בן צבי, 388 עמודים [חדש] [מצוין]. 29$
קלח.  נפתלי וידר, התגבשות נוסח התפילה במזרח ובמערב, ב' חלקים, [מצוין] 25$
קלט.  יוסף היינימן, עיוני תפילה [כריכה רכה] 24$
קמ.   מחזור גולדשמידט, יום כיפור 55$
קמא.  משה חלמיש, הקבלה בתפילה בהלכה ובמנהג, 30$
קמב.  הגדה של פסח, פרי עץ חיים, ר' יצחק רצהבי, 19$
קמג.הגדה שלמה, סדר הגדה של פסח, ר' מנחם כשר, 20$
קמד.  מחזור בית דין, לראש השנה, ר' אברהם חמוי 19$
קמה.  מחזור דק"ק איטאלייאני, חלק ב, שד"ל, 16$
קמו.עזרא פליישר, תפילות הקבע בישראל, בהתהותן ובהתגבשותן, ב' חלקים, 1440 עמודים, 45$
קמז.ישראל מ' תא-שמע, התפילה האשכנזית הקדומה, פרקים באופייה ובתולדותיה, 23$
קמח.  משה חלמיש,חקרי קבלה ותפילה, 458 עמודים [מלא חומר חשוב[, 24$
קמט.  כנסת עזרא ספר היובל לכבוד עזרא פליישר, 28$
קנ.    התפילה בתקופת התנאים והאמוראים, יוסף היינימן כרכיה קשה 28$
קנא.ר' זאב יעבץ, סידור עבודת הלבבות\ ספר מקור הברכות, 23$
קנב.פ' בירנבוים, תפלות ישראל, ומוסר היהודות 21$
קנג.  כנישתא, [עניני תפילה ובית הכנסת] [בר אילן] חלק א, 26$
קנד.כנישתא, [עניני תפילה ובית הכנסת] [בר אילן] חלק ב, 19$
קנה.כנישתא, [עניני תפילה ובית הכנסת] [בר אילן] חלק ג, 19$
קנו.  כנישתא, [עניני תפילה ובית הכנסת] [בר אילן] חלק ד, 20$
קנז.  ד' גולדשמידט, מחקרי תפילה ופיוט, 18$
קנח.מקראה בחקר התפילה [אוסף מאמרים על תפילה מתרביץ] [מצוין],24$
קנט.אורי ארליך, כל עצמותי תאמרנה, השפה הלא מילולית של התפילה, 21$
פיוט
קס.   צ' רבינוביץ, פיוטי ייני, שני חלקים,  36$
קסא.  פיוטי יניי, ביאורים ופירושים כרך משלים, נחום ברונזניק 22$
קסב.  פיוטי יניי, ביאורים ופירושים, נחום ברונזניק   22$
קסג.הגדה של פסח,דניאל גולדשמידט- עורך, 15$
קסד.  ספר בן סירא השלם, משה צבי סגל
קסה.  יונה דוד, לקסיקון הכנויים לבשון הפייטנים, 21$
קסו.שירת המאור, פיוטי רבי זרחיה הלוי, בעל המאור, 25$
קסז.א' הברמן, תולדות הפיוט והשירה ב' חלקים 55$
קסח.   צ' רבינוביץ, הלכה ואגדה בפיוטי ייני, 35$
קסט.  משל הקדמוני ישראל זמורה 24$
קע.   פיוטי אליה בר שמעיה, יונה דוד, 26$
קעא.  רבי אלעזר בירבי קליר, קדושתאות ליום מתן תורה, ש' אליצור מהדיר, $24
קעב.   שירת הרוקח 20$
קעג.אזהרות ר' אליהו הזקן 17$
קעד.      שירת רבנו תם $20
מנהג-הלכה
קעה.  הליכות תימן, יוסף קאפח, 21$
קעו.אוצר כל מנהגי ישורון 25$
קעז.חיים סולוביצ'יק, היין בימי הביניים [מצוין] 28$
קעח.  ר' עמרם אבורביע, נתיבי עם, מנהגים והלכות, 24$
קעט.  יהודה ברגמן, הפולקלור היהודי, 16$
קפ.   שרשי מנהג אשכנז חלק ב 25$
קפא.  שרשי מנהג אשכנז חלק ד 25$
קפב.  יוסף תבורי, מועדי ישראל בתקופת המשנה והתלמוד, [מצוין] 25$
קפג.יוסף כהן, מקורות וקורות [כולל הרבה מחקרים חשובים כמו: מסכת אבות פירושיה ותרגומיה, סדר קבלת שבת ופזמון לכד דודי\ מגילת אסתר בצפת במאה הט"ז ועוד] 28$
קפד.   יעקב גרטנר, גלגולי מנהג בעולם הלכה [אפשר לקבל תוכן הענינים], 15$
קפה.   התשובה בספרות הלכה, 15$
קפו. טקסי ילדות, איבן מרקוס, 14$
קפז.נחום רקובר, מטרה המקדשת את האמצעים 25$
קפח.  אליעזר בשן, שבייה ופדות, בחברה היהודית בארצות הים התיכון, 18$
קפט.  השוחט והשחיטה בספרות הרבנות ר' יקותיאל גרינוואלד 25$
קצ.   נחום רקובר, ביבליוגרפיה רב לשונית למשפט העברי, 55 $
קצא.  קובץ אהל שרה לאה, ירושלים תשנ"ט, 1000+ עמודים,כוללחיבור חשוב של ר' דוד צבי רוטשטיין בשם 'ספר תורה מנוקד', יותר מ200 עמודים, על עניני נקודות ועוד, 24$.
קצב.  ישראל מ' תא-שמע, מנהג אשכנז הקדמון, 22$
פילוסיפיה וכדומה
קצג.שרה קליין, פירוש הרמב"ם לסיפור בריאת העולם 20$
קצד.  שרה קליין, פירוש הרמב"ם לסיפורים על אדם בפרשות בראשית, 20$
קצה.  יעקב לוינגר, דרכי המחשבה ההלכתית של הרמב"ם, 42$
קצו.דוד קויפמן, מחקרים בספרות העברית, מוסד רב קוק 22$
קצז.שלמה מימון, גבעת המורה, 26$
קצח.  אברהם השל, תורה מן השמים באספקלריה של הדורות, ב' חלקים 75$
קצט.  דב רפל, הנבואה, 24$
ר.       כתבי ר' יצחק אבן לטיף חלק ב, פירוש קהל\ צורת העולם 14$
רא.   שרה הלר-וילנסקי, ר' יצחק עראמה ומשנתו 22$
רב.   דוד קופמין, מחקרים, מוסד רב קוק 22$
רג.    יוסף כהן, הגותו הפילוסופית של ר' אברהם אבן עזרא 28$
רד.    יהודה אברבנאל, שיחות על אהבה, 45$
רה.   עזר הדת, ר' יצחק פולקר, 16$
קבלה- חסידות
קח.   ספר הרזים, מהדיר: מרדכי מרגליות, 60$
רו.     מאיר בניהו, תולדות האר"י 115$
רז.     ספר חזיונות, ר' חיים ויטל, מכון בן צבי, 20$
רח.   מטפחות ספרים ר' יעקב עמדין [תשנ"ה]  40$
רט.   ר' יהודה אריה מודניה, ארי נואם, 50$
רי.     ר' יהודה אריה מודינה, בחינת הקבלה, 50$
ריא.קבלת האר"י, מחקרי ירושלים במחשבת ישראל כרך י, 457 עמודים, [אוסף חשוב], 25$
ריב.קיצור סדר האצילות, כתיבת ר' חיים ויטל, העתקת ר' מנחם די לונזאנו, יוסף אביב"י מהדיר, 21$
ריג.  מגיד דבריו ליעקב למגיד ר' דב בער ממזרידטש, מהדיר רבקה ש"ץ-אופנהיימר, 30$
ריד.  נועם אלמילך, ב' חלקים,מוסד רב קוק, גדליה נגאל, 45$
רטו.ראובן מהלר, חסידות והשכלה 27$
רטז.ישעיהו תשבי, חקרי קבלה ושלוחתיה, ג' חלקים [מצוין], 52$
ריז.   מחקרים בקבלה ובתולדות הדתות מוגשים לגרשום שלום, 45$
ריח.ר' יעקב עמדין, ספר שמוש, מרכז דינור 22$
ריט.מחקרים בקבלה ובתולדות הדתות מוגשים לגרשום שלום, 45$
רכ.    ג' שלום, שדים רוחות ונשמות, מחקרים בדמונולוגיה, 19$
רכא.  בועז הס, כזוהר הרקיע, פרקים בהתקבלות הזוהר, 21$
רכב.  ביבליוגראפיה של כתבי גרשום שלום, 15$
רכג.ספר הבעש"ט, מוסד רק קוק 28$
רכד.דוד תמר, בקורת ומסה, 16$
רכה.  טמרין חלק ב, מוסד רב קוק 27$
רכו.  שבחי הבעל שם טוב מהדורות רובינשטטין, 22$
רכז.  משה אידל, פרקים בקבלה נבואית 19$
רכח.  אהרן מרכוס, החסידות, 32$
רכט.  החלום ושברו, התנועה השבתאית ושלוחותיה, משיחיות שבתאות ופראנקיזם, ב' חלקים 50$
רל.    שמואל ורסס, מגמות וצורות בספרות ההשכלה 20$
רלא.  ישן מפני חדש שי' לע' אטקס, שני חלקים 28$
רלב.    ד' אסף, נאחז בסבך, פרקי משבר ומבוכה בתולדות החסידות 23$
רלג. ספר חסידים חיבור גנוז בגנותה של החסידות 18$
רלד. צדיק ועדה, ד' אסף עורך 23$
רלה.  בפרדס החסידות ה' צייטלין (כריכה קשה) 20$
רלו.  על גבול שני עולמות ה' צייטלין (כריכה קשה) 20$
רלז.  ש' דובנוב, תולדות החסידות, [מצב מצוין], 30$
רלח.  דוד אסף, הציץ ונפגע, 32$
רלט.  שמואל ורסס, השכלה ושבתאות תולדותיו של מאבק 19$
רמ.   השכלה והיסטוריה, ש' פיינר28$
רמא.  שורשי החילון מתירנות וספקנות ביהדות המאה 18, ש' פיינר28$
רמב.  מ' בלבן, לתולדות התנועה הפראנקית, 45$
רמג.יוסף דן, עיונים בספרות חסידי אשכנז, 25$
רמד.  יוסף פרל, מעשיות ואגרות, 32$
רמה.  משה אידל, החוויה המיסטית אצל אברהם אבולעפיה, שוקן, 18$
רמו.משה אידל, גולם, שוקן 24$
רמז.נתיבי אמונה ומינות, י' תשבי (כריכה רכה)23$
רמח.  אברהם יערי, תעלומת ספר [על חמדת ימים] 28$
רמט.  רבקה ש"ץ אופנהיימר, הרעיון המשיחי מאז גירוש ספרד, 21$
רנ.    א' אשכולי, התנועות המשיחיות בישראל, 26$
רנא.גרשם שלום על האיש ופועלו, דברים שנאמרו ביום השלושים להסתלקותו [חוברת] 13
רנב.ע' אטקס, בעל השם הבעל שם טוב מאגיה מיסטיקה הנהגה, 23$
רנג.  ע' אטקס, בעל התניא, ר' שניאור זלמן מלאדי וראשיתה של חסידו חב"ד 25$
רנד.  גליקל זיכרונות 1719-1691 חוה טורניאנסקי, [מצוין] 28$
רנה. ד' אסף, דרך המלכות ר' ישראל מרוזי'ין 27$
רנו.   הבעש"ט, מחדש החסידות, משה רוסמן, 18$
השכלה
רנז.  קובץ התחיה, א-ב, 18$
רנח.שד"ל, פרקי חיים, (יומן) מהדיר: משה שולוואס 25$
רנט.שמואל ורגון, שמואל דוד לוצאטו, ביקורתיות מתונה בפירוש המקרא [תשע"ג] [מצוין], 530 עמודים, 32$
רס.   פרץ סנדלר, הביאור לתורה של מנדלסון, 21$
רסא.  רפאל מאהלר, החסידות וההשכלה, 24$
רסב.  צבי מנחם פיניליש, דרכה של תורה 30$
רסג.מבוא המשנה, יעקב ברילל, שני חלקים, 32$
רסד.  ערך מילין, שי"ר, ב' חלקים 70$
רסה.  אברהם גייגר, קצוצת מאמרים, מהדורות ש' פאזנאנסקי, 32$
רסו.רוזנבלום, האפוס המקראי מעידן ההשכלה הפרשנות, מחקר בשירי תפארת לנפתלי הרץ ויזל, 18$
רסז.רוזנבלום, עיוני ספרות והגות,21$ [אוסף חשוב של מאמרים]
רסח.  הדת והחיים, תנועת ההשכלה היהודית במזרח אירופה, עורך ע' אטקס, מרכז זלמן שזר 24$
רסט.  מ' זקלין, בעלות השחר, השכלה היהודית באימפריה הרוסית במאה התשע עשרה, 22$
רע.   שמואל ורסס, הקיצה עמי, ספרות ההשכלה בעידן המודרניציה, [אוסף חשוב] 24$
רעא.  השכלל לגווניה, ש' פיינר ועוד עורכים, 19$
רעב.  ספר המצרף, ביאורים והגהות לאגדות חז"ל, אברהם דובזויץ, (דפוס צילום, אודעסא תרל"ו)  15$
רעג.יצחק לעווינזאהן, תעודה בישראל, [מרכז זלמן שזר] עם מבוא של ע' אטקס 23$
רעד.  ספר הקונדס, מרכז דינור 20$
רעה.  אברהם קראכמאל, ירושלים הבנויה 18$
רעו.ביכורים, שני חלקים, כתב עת לחכמת ישראל, בעריכת נפתלי קלר ומאיר איש שלום, משנת 1864-1866,  66$
על ספרים וסופרים
רעז.חיים מיכל, אור החיים, מוסד רב קוק 35$
רעח.  י"ז כהנא, מחקרים בספרות השו"ת, מוסד רב קוק [מצוין] 35$
רעט.  חיים סולוביצ'יק, שו"ת כמקור היסטורי, [מצוין] 17$
רפ.   שמואל ווינער,[אוסף של אריה ליב פרידלאנדר], קהלת משה, ב' חלקים 125$
רפא.  אמרי ספר לקט אמרים וסיפורים על ספרים 16$
רפב.  הספר העברי, אברהם הברמן 26$
רפג.מחקרי ספר, אברהם יערי 47$
רפד.  ספרי ברוך, רשימת ספרי ברוך שטרויס, אהל ברוך 36$
רפה.  אברהם הברמן, מסכות סופרים וספרות, תולדות סופרים וחוקרים דברי ביקורת מאמרים ורשימות, 24$
רפו.ר' שלמה יוסף זוין, סופרים וספרים [גאונים, ראשונים ותשובות] 28$
רפז.ג' קרסל, לכסיקון הספרות העברית בדורות האחרונים, שני חלקים 60$
רפח.  אברהם יערי, המחזה העברי, המקורי והמתורגם מראשיתו ועד היום, ביבליוגרפיה, 28$
רפט.  אברהם הברמן, המדפיס קורניילייו אדיל קינד ובנו דניאל, 17$
רצ.   אברהם הברמן, מפרי העט והעת, קובץ מאמרים ורשימות בשדה הספרות והתברות 21$
רצא.  ספריות ואוספי ספרים משה סלוחובסקי יוסף קפלן עורכים, 16$
רצב.  אברהם הברמן, חדשים גם ישנים, חיבורים שונים מתוך כתבי יד בצירוף מבואות והערות 24$
רצג.אברהם הברמן, כתב לשון וספר, עיונים בתולדות הכתב העברי, לשון, כ"י עבריים מצויירים, מקובלים וקבלה, פולקלור, 24$
רצד.  אברהם הברמן, אנשים ספר ואנשי מעשה, סופרים חוקרים ביבליוגרפים מדפיסים ומוכרי ספרים, 23$
רצה.  אברהם הברמן, קבוצי יחד מאמרים ורשימות חלקר ספרות ישראל ותרבותו, 22$
רצו.אברהם הברמן, פרקים בתולדות המדפיסים העברים, ראשונים ואחרונים 24$
רצז.דוד רוזנטל, אוסף הגניזה הקהירית בז'נבה, קטלוג ומחקרים, 25$
רצח.  נפתלי בן מנחם, מגנזי ישראל בוואטיקאן, מוסד רב קוק 33$
רצט.  Yosef Goldman, Hebrew printing in America 1735-1926, a History and Annotated Bibliography, 2 volumes, $175
היסטוריה וספרי היובל וזכרון
ש.      שלשלת הקבלה 24$
שא.  מאיר בניהו, סדר אליהו זוטא אליהו קפשאלי, שני חלקים, 60$
שב.  שמחה אסף, באהלי יעקב, מוסד רב קוק [ספר מצוין], 21$
שג.   שמעון חאנעס, תולדות הפוסקים [פורמט קטן], 19$
שד.   יצחק בער, מחקרים ומסות בתולדות עם ישראל, ב' חלקים 50$   
שה.  ספר זכרון לפוזננסקי, החלק העברי, 26$
שו.    ש"ד גויטיין, סדרי חינוך מתקופת הגאונים עד בית הרמב"ם יצחק בן צבי  25$
שז.    ד' תמר מחקרים בתולודת היהודים בארץ ישראל בארצות המזרח מוסד רב קוק 21$
שח.  ד' תמר, מחקרים בתולודת היהודים בארץ ישראל ובאיטליה 21$
שט.  יצחק זימר, מתולדות הרבנות בגרמניה במאה הט"ז, 18$
שי.    ספר וולוז'ין 100$
שיא.  חריגים בעל כורחם: משוגעים ומצורעים בחברה היהודת באירופה בימי הבניים, אפרים שהם שטיינר 23$
שיב.  יד ושם לזכר אברהם זלמן פריידוס, 36$
שיג.ישראל היילפרין, יהודים ויהדות במזרח אירופה, 22$
שיד.בית ישראל בפולין, מימים ראשונים ועד לימות החורבן, חלק א 20$
שטו.  חיים הלל בן ששון, הגות והנהגה, 20$
שטז.  גלות אחר גולה, מחקרים מוגשים לפ' חיים ביינארט 21$
שיז.  שמחה אסף, מקורות ומחקרים, 32$
שיח.  ספר זכרון ליעקב פרידמן ז"ל 23$
שיט.  ספר היובל לכבוד הרב סולובייצ'יק, מוסד רב קוק, שני חלקים 120$
שכ.   ספר היובל לכבוד ש' מרסקי 23$
שכא. קדושת החיים וחירוף הנפש, [על קידוש ה'] י' גפני וא' רביצקי עורכים 15$
שכב.ראשונים ואחרונים לאברהם גרוסמן, 23$
שכג.  ספר היובל לכבוד אברהם הברמן, 25$
שכד.  ספר מרגליות (ספר זכרון לר' ראובן מרגליות) 28$
שכה.ר' יעקב טולידאנו, נר המערב, תולדות ישראל במארוקו, 18$
שכו.ר' יעקב מ' לנדאו, היהודים במצרים, [בן צבי] 25$
שכז.יהושע פראוור, תולדות היהודים בממלכת הצלבנים 24$
שכח.תעודה כרך טז-יז 22$
שכט.תעודה כרך ז, 21$
של.   תעודה כרך ה 17$
שלא.תעודה כרך ב 17$
שלב.תעודה כרך ד 17$
שלג.  תעודה כרך יא 22$
שלד.  תעודה כרך טו 22$
ארץ ישראל
שלו.ש"ד גוטין, הישוב בארץ ישראל 22$
שלז.מורה דרך,  א' לונץ 22$
שלח.אברהם דוד, עלייה והתיבות בארץ ישראל במאה הט"ז, [חומר חשוב] 23$
שלט. רפאל שוחט, עולם נסתר בממדי הזמן, תורת הגאולה של הגר"א מקורותיה והשפעתה לדורות, 25$
שמ.  הראשונים לציון :תולדותיהם ופעולתם, א' אלמאליח 24$
שמא.יצחק אלפסי, החכם המופלא ר' שלמה הכהן אהרנסון 11$
שמב.אגרות ארץ ישראל, אברהם יערי 29$
שמג.  אגרות לראי"ה,  מהדורה ראשונה עם הצילומים של המכתבים, 22$
שמד.ר' מנחם מנדל מקמניץ, קורות העתים, מוסד רב קוק, מקורות ארץ ישראל 23$
שמה.גלילות ארץ ישראל, מוסד רב קוק- מקורות ארץ ישראל 19$
לשון וכדומה
שמו.      הנוספות למנחת שי, (נדיר), 36$
שמז.       המסורה הגדולה, מרדכי ברויאר, 26$
שמח.      חנוך ילון, פרקי לשון, 25$
שמט.      חקרי עבר וערב, מוגשים ליהושע בלאו, 28$
שנ.  יחזקאל קוטשר, הלשון והרקע הלשוני של מגילת ישעיהו השלמה ממגילות ים המלח, 25$
שנא.       יחזקאל קוטשר, מחקרים בעברית ובארמית 60$
שנב.       אברהם טל, לשון התרגום לנביאים ראשונים 25$
שנג.        דקדוק ארמית, יעקב נחום אפשטין 18$
שנד.       שערי זמרה הארוך 14$
שנה.       אגרות ר' יהודה בן קוריש, תל אביב תשי"ב 17$
שונות
שנו.יעקב שפיגל, עמודים בתולדות הספר העברי, הגהות ומגיהים, [מצוין] 32$
שנז.פנחס הכהן, ספר הסימנים השלם, 28$
שנח.       אבי שגיא, אתגר השיבה אל המסורת, 24$
שנט.       בן ציון כץ, זכרונות 22$
שס.מסות ומסעות, רפאל ליהמן, מוסד רב קוק 18$
שסא.      אברהם גרוסמן, חסידות ומורדות, [מצוין], 23$
שסב.      אברהם גרוסמן והוא ימשול בך, האישה במשנתם של חכמי ישראל בימי הביניים, 28$
שסג.       ישיבות בתי מדרשות ע' אטקס עורך, 23$
שסד.      ש' שטמפפר הישיבה הליטאית בהתהוותה, [מצוין] 23$
שסה.      ישיבות ליטא, פרקי זכרונות [מצוין], 23$
שסו.       רפאל קירכהיים, כרמי שומרון, 22$
שסז.       שלמה אשכנזי, האשה באספקלריה היהדות, ג' חלקים 40$
שסח.      שלמה אשכנזי, גיבורות בישראל, 21$
שסט.      שלמה אשכנזי, דורות בישראל 18$
שע.שבע מסכות קטנות ירושלמיות, וברייתא דשמואל הקטן 18$
שעא.      ר' ש' גליקסברג, הדרשה בישראל, 28$
שעב.      יספור לדור, יונה עמנואל 17$  על השואה [יש לציין שר' שלמה זלמן אורבעך היה קורא בחיבור זה בתשעה באב]
שעג.       נחמיה אלוני, מחקרי לשון וספרות, חלק  א, 22$
שעד.      נחמיה אלוני, מחקרי לשון וספרות, חלק  ב, 22$
שעה.      נחמיה אלוני, מחקרי לשון וספרות, חלק  ד, 22$
שעו.       נחמיה אלוני, מחקרי לשון וספרות, חלק  ה, 22$
שעז.                נחמיה אלוני, מחקרי לשון וספרות, חלק  ו, 22$
שעח.               ר' אליעזר ליפמן פרינץ, פרנס לדורות, 24$
שעט.               לפלגת ישראל באונגריה,ר' יקותיאל גרינוואלד 60$ דפוס נדיר
שפ.  פירוש על המשנה למסכת שבת ר' אברהם גולדברג 20$
שפא.               בין סמכות לאוטונומיה במסורת ישראל, עורכים זאב ספראי, ואבי שגי 23$
שפב.               משה סמט, משה מונטיפיורי האיש והאגדה 19$
שפג.                יוסף דן, הסיפור העברי בימי הביניים, 19$
שפד.               ש' קוק עיונים ומחקרים שני חלקים, מוסד רב קוק, 45$
שפה.               ש' קוק, עיונים ומחקרים, מוסד רב קוק  חלק א 23$
שפו.                משל הקדמוני ישראל זמורה 24$
שפז.                רפאל ויס התרגום הארמי לספר איוב 25$
שפח.               יעקב לייב שפירא משפחות עתיקות בישראל 32$
שפט.     קום ריב את ההרים, חיים בלוך עם חתימת המחבר 26$
שצ.  אברהם קורמאן, אבולציה יהודות 22$
שצא.     אברהם קורמאן,  יהודי מיהו יהודי 22$
שצב.     אברהם קורמאן, זרמים וכתות ביהדות 22$
שצג.      י"ז כהנא, מחקרים בספרות השו"ת, מוסד רב קוק [מצוין] 35$
שצד.מחקרים ומקורות לתולדות ישראל, וונריב 23$
שצה.חיים ז'מרינסקי עיירתי מוטלה, [דוד אסף עורך], יומן 14$
שצו.  מכיאל הכהן ברור ובנו ר' אברהם, זכרונות אב ובנו, [יומן מעניין] מוסד רב קוק $24
שצז.  אבני חן, שלמה אשכנזי, 20$
שצח.קתרסיס, כרך יח תשע"ג, כולל מאמר ביקורת של פר' שלמה זלמן הבלין על הספר 'החזן איש' של בנימן בראון 16$
שצט.פנקס התקנות והרישומים של החברה קדישה דג"ח וורמיישא, תע"ו-תקצ"ז, א' אונא, מוסד רב קוק תש"ם, 204 עמודים 12$.
ת.       בן ציון אלפס, מעשה אלפס, ישראל תשל"ח, רכ עמודים, 8$
תא.   ש"י עולומת, דן סדן 9$
תב.   M. Heidenheim, Bibliotheca Samaritana$70
תג.     Saadyana Geniza fragments of R. Saadya Gaon 24$
תד.   Leo Jung, Men of the Spirit, $23
תה.   Kabbalah Gershom Sholom $10
תו.    Dr. Frensdorff, The Messorah Magna, Ktav press $90$
תז.     Paul Kahle, Masoreten Des Ostens $35
תח.     Moses Gaster, Studies and texts 3 vol, Ktav Press $150
תט.    Jacob Mann, Collected writings, 3 volumes $150
תי.    Jacob Mann Text and studies Volume one [2 vol], $85
תיא.B. Schreiber Zecor Yemos Olam[customs etc.] $15
תיב.A. David, In Zion and Jerusalem, The Itinerary of Rabbi Moses Basola (1521-1523), $23 
תיג.  Sefer hanisyonot attributed to the Ibn Ezra, [ Marcus and Leibowitz ed], $45
תיד.Jacob Mann, The Jews in Egypt [2 vol. in one] Ktav Press $65
תטו.Jacob Mann, Bible as read and preached in the old Synagogue, {Ktav Press}, 2 volumes, 75$
תטז.Yonah Emanuel, Dignity to survive- $18
תיז.  Magicians Theologians and doctors, H. J. Zimmel 25$
תיח.Julius Kaplan - $40, Redaction of the Babylonian Talmud
תיט.M. Sokoloff, The Targum to Job From Qumran cave XI Bar Ilan Press, $23




ביקורת ספרים: מסורת התורה שבעל פה, הרב פרופ' שלמה זלמן הבלין

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ביקורת ספרים: מסורת התורה שבעל פה, הרב פרופ' שלמה זלמן הבלין

מאת: רב צעיר


הספר "מסורת התורה שבעל פה – יסודותיה, עקרונותיה והגדרותיה" שהוציא לאור לפני כשנה הרב פרופ' שלמה זלמן הבלין, בהוצאת מכללת אורות-ישראל, עוסק בהיבטים שונים של אחד הנושאים שמעסיקים ביותר את חיי היהודי המאמין, התורה שבעל פה. הספר מכיל חמישה עשר פרקים, חמשה מתוכם רואים אור לראשונה בספר זה, והעשרה הנותרים ראו אור בכתבי עת שונים במהלך השנים. בתור לקט כזה, הספר אינו אחיד. ישנם פרקים הכתובים בצורה אינציקלופדית (כך למשל פרק י"א שהוא למעשה הערך "תלמוד בבלי" מהאנציקלופדיה העברית), וישנם פרקים המכילים חידושים מפליגים. ישנם פרקים בעלי אופי יותר בית-מדרשי, ישנם בעלי אופי יותר עממי, וישנם בעלי אופי מאד אקדמאי. ישנם פרקים עם ריבוי הפניות והערות שוליים וישנם עם מעט מאד.
ככלל, המחבר משתדל לעסוק בכל מה שקשור להגדרת ולהבנת מהותה של התורה שבעל פה. אני מניח שכל מי שנושא התורה שבעל פה מעסיק אותו, בין אם זה בעל-בית שלומד דף יומי, או אברך שלומד בכולל או חוקר תלמוד באוניברסיטה, ימצא בספר זה דברים מרתקים.
עוד חידוש שישנו בספר זה הוא שמצורף אליו תקליטור ובו כל הספר, זאת על מנת להקל על הלומד לחפש בספר וכדי לחסוך את הצורך בהכנת מפתח מפורט לספר. הספר הוא באורך כ600 עמודים ברוטו ונטו, כאמור, ללא מפתח וללא ביבליוגרפיה.
אני מבקש להתייחס ולסקור שני נושאים משני פרקים מתוך הספר שאני מצאתי בהם חידוש.
בפרק ד' בספר, תחת הכותרת "להבנת יסודות דרכי הלימוד של חז"ל", עוסק המחבר במדרש הידוע בתלמוד הבבלי מסכת מנחות (דף כט עמוד ב):
"אמר רב יהודה אמר רב: בשעה שעלה משה למרום, מצאו להקב"ה שיושב וקושר כתרים לאותיות, אמר לפניו: רבש"ע, מי מעכב על ידך? אמר לו: אדם אחד יש שעתיד להיות בסוף כמה דורות ועקיבא בן יוסף שמו, שעתיד לדרוש על כל קוץ וקוץ תילין תילין של הלכות."
המחבר מעיר על כל שינויי הנוסח שישנם על טקסט סיפורי זה על פי כתבי יד, דפוסים ישנים וראשונים, לאחר מכן הוא נדרש לתוכן הסיפור:
-          מה פירוש "קושר כתרים לאותיות"?
-          מה פירוש "על כל קוץ וקוץ"?
-          היכן הם אותם "תילין תילין של הלכות"? הייתכן וכולם נאבדו מאיתנו?
לאחרונה שמעתי בשיעור ברשת את הרב הרשל שכטר מסביר שהפשט במימרא זו זה שרבי עקיבא היה עוצר אחרי כל נקודה ונקודה בספר התורה ודורש הלכות. כלומר, ההלכות לא נדרשו מהתגים או הקוצים, אלא שהקוצים באים לבטא שלאחר כל אות שרבי עקיבא היה עובר, לומד ומלמד הוא היה דורש. עוד הוסיף הרב שכטר שהדרשנים אומרים שעל כל ניסיון לפגיעה במסורת היהודית (כל קוץ וקוץ) יש להוסיף עוד ועוד הלכות כדי לגדור את גדרה.
כשמספרים סיפור זה לילדים מתארים להם שהקב"ה, בסיפור, מוסיף את התגין לאותיות שעטנ"ז ג"ץ, ואולי גם את קוצו של יו"ד. אך מעיר הרב הבלין בצדק שלא מצינו בשום מקום בחז"ל שהתגין המוכרים לנו מכונים "קוצים". גם לא מצינו שהם נקראים "כתרים". לא רק זה, אלא שגם לא מצינו שחז"ל קוראים להם "תגים", כפי שהם מכונים בלשונינו, כך שגם אם נרצה לטעון שתגים הרי הם כתרים (כבלשון המשנה "דאשתמש בתגא חלף"), לא מצינו את המינוח תגים בלשון חז"ל כמשמש לקישוטי האותיות, כפי שאנו מכנים אותם. 
לעומת זאת, מראה המחבר, שחז"ל קוראים "תגים" לחלקי האותיות עצמם. כך מצאנו בגמרא בשבת (קד ע"ב):
"כגון שנטלו לתגו של דל"ת ועשאו רי"ש"
וכבר הזכרנו גם את "קוצו של יוד", חלק מהגוף האות יו"ד.
המחבר הולך עוד צעד בחידושו ואת הביטוי "קושר כתרים" מפרש המחבר בתור "ממליך", הקב"ה "ממליך" את האותיות, מעניק חשיבות לכל אחת ואחת מהן. וכך מסביר הקב"ה למשה שעתיד לקום רבי עקיבא והוא ידרוש כל קוץ וקוץ, זאת אומרת יחפש משמעות לכל אות ואות. רבי עקיבא, בניגוד לשיטת רבי ישמעאל שסבר שדברה תורה כלשון בני אדם, ראה צורך לדייק ולדרוש כל אות ואות, כפי שאנו מוצאים בגמרא במסכת סנהדרין (דף נא עמוד ב):
"אמר ליה רבי עקיבא: ישמעאל אחי (ויקרא כ"א) בת ובת אני דורש. - אמר ליה: וכי מפני שאתה דורש בת ובת נוציא זו לשריפה?"
המחבר מבסס את דבריו ומביא להם סימוכין ממחברים שונים ואף ממשיך ומבאר את המשך המדרש לאור דברים אלו.
בפרק ו', הרואה אור לראשונה בספר זה, תחת הכותרת "דרשת חז"ל על 'לא תסור ... ימין ושמאל'", דן המחבר בסתירה בין מדרשי הלכה.
הספרי על הפסוק "לא תסור מן הדבר אשר יגידו לך ימין ושמאל" (דברים יז יא), המובא גם ברש"י שם, כותב:
"על פי התורה אשר יורוך, על דברי תורה חייבים מיתה ואין חייבים מיתה על דברי סופרים. ועל המשפט אשר יאמרו לך תעשה, מצות עשה. לא תסור מן התורה אשר יגידו לך, מצות לא תעשה, ימין ושמאל, אפילו מראים בעיניך על ימין שהוא שמאל ועל שמאל שהוא ימין שמע להם סליק פיסקא"
בתלמוד הירושלמי (מסכת הוריות פרק א), לעומת זאת, מופיע דרשה הפוכה לחלוטין:
"יכול אם יאמרו לך על ימין שהיא שמאל ועל שמאל שהיא ימין תשמע להם ת"ל ללכת ימין ושמאל שיאמרו לך על ימין שהוא ימין ועל שמאל שהיא שמאל."
המחבר מקשה ששתי הדרשות אינן מובנות: וכי המדרש בספרי אינו מקבל את זה שייתכן ובית הדין טועה? וכי הגמרא בירושלמי מעוניין שכל אחד יחליט לעצמו מתי לשמוע לבית הדין ומתי לא?
לכן, מנסה המחבר לפשר בין שני המדרשים. לצורך זה מביא המחבר 8 (!) דרכים, ממחברים שונים, כיצד ניתן לפשר בין שני המדרשים. לאחר מכן מציע המחבר אפשרות תשיעית, משלו.
לדבריו, הדרך לפשר בין שני המדרשים מונח במילה אחת הנראית לא במקומה בדברי הירושלמי. המילה "ללכת". מילה זו, אינה מופיעה בפסוק שאותו לכאורה דורשים: "לא תסור מן הדבר אשר יגידו לך ימין ושמאל", אך כן מופיעה משום מה בדברי הירושלמי: "ת"ל ללכת ימין ושמאל". לכן מסיק המחבר, שהירושלמי בכלל דורש פסוק אחר מספר דברים (כח יד):
"ולא תסור מכל הדברים אשר אנכי מצוה אתכם היום ימין ושמאל ללכת אחרי אלהים אחרים לעבדם"
כלומר, הספרי מדבר על הוראות חכמים "הדבר אשר יגידו לך", ואלו הירושלמי עוסק בפסוק המדבר אודות ציווי הקב"ה בתורה "אשר אנכי מצוה אתכם". על הראשון אומרת הספרי שגם אם בית הדין טעה בהוראתו חייבים לשמוע לו. אך הירושלמי מסייג זאת, שזהו כל עוד בית הדין לא הורו לעבור על דבר המפורש בתורה, כי על דבר המפורש בתורה יש לשמוע לבית הדין רק אם יאמרו על ימין שהוא ימין ועל שמאל שהוא שמאל.
לא ניתן, לדעתי, לומר שפתרון זה של המחבר חף מדוחק, שהרי גם בפסוק בפרק כח לא נאמר "ללכת ימין ושמאל", אלא "ימין ושמאל ללכת וכו'", אך הכיוון הוא בהחלט מחודש ומרענן.
יש עוד הרבה פרטים ודיונים בספר עב כרס זה. נזכיר רק עוד דיון אחד שמצאתי בו עניין מיוחד. בנספח לפרק ח' "היחס לשאלות נוסח בספרי חז"ל", מנתח המחבר את מעמד הבחינה המתואר בספרו של חיים פוטוק "ההבטחה" (The Promise). לדבריו, מעמד הבחינה של גיבור הספר, המתואר שם, הוא למעשה תיאור בחינה בישיבה-אוניברסיטה בניו-יורק בפני הרב יוסף דב סולובייצ'יק, הרב ירוחם גורעליק וד"ר שמואל בלקין. בחן רב, המחבר מגלה לנו לאיזה סוגיא רומז חיים פוטוק והוא מנתח ומבקר את התשובות שענה הנבחן.
יותר ממה שכתבתי בפניכם יש בספר זה. אוהבי ספר ומחקר תלמודי בודאי ימצאו בו דברים אהובים.

*ברצוני להודות לרב ד"ר משה רחימי שהמציא לי את הספר ולמו"ח פרופ' דניאל י. לסקר שעבר על דברי. 

Plagiarism, Halakhic Paradox, and the Malbim on Kohelet

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Plagiarism, Halakhic Paradox, and the Malbim on Kohelet
by
Marc B. Shapiro

1. A story recently appeared alleging plagiarism in the writings of R. Yonah Metzger.[1] Such accusations are nothing new and the topic of plagiarism in rabbinic history is of great interest to me. Many of the scholars of Jewish bibliography have also written about the phenomenon,[2] and a good deal on the topic has appeared on the Seforim Blog.[3] Suffice it to say that every generation has had problems in this regard, and we see even see apparent instances of it in the Talmud.[4] The examples range from taking another’s ideas (including one’s teacher[5]), to copying sections of another work, to reprinting an entire book and changing the title page.[6] It is interesting that R. Moses Sofer, unlike others, is reported not to have been troubled by people plagiarizing from him. As he put it, he doesn’t mind if they attach his hiddushim to their names, as long as they don’t attribute their own hiddushim to him.[7]

R. Isaac Sternhell, in the introduction to his Kokhvei Yitzhak, vol. 1, gives a good illustration of how widespread the problem of plagiarism has been in explaining why R. Joseph Karo and R. Moses Isserles don’t mention anything in the Shulhan Arukh about the obligation to repeat a Torah teaching in the name of one who said it (itself of great importance, not to mention the geneivat da’at involved if one doesn’t give proper credit [8]). R. Sternhell states that that since so many people plagiarize, including תלמידי חכמים שיראתם קודמת לחכמתם, therefore, just like it is a mitzvah to say that which people will listen to, so too it is best to be quiet about something they won’t pay attention to [9]. R. Sternhell reports that this reason was actually given by R. Yissachar Dov Rokeah of Belz in explanation of why there is nothing in the Shulhan Arukh about the prohibition of leshon hara.[10]

והם מתוך שחששו מלהביא קטרוג על כלל ישראל התעלמו מדינים אלה בפסקי הלכה והשמיטום. ובכך קיימו דברי הנביא עמוס (ה' ג') והמשכיל בעת ההיא ידום


R. Sternhell then lists a few books that plagiarized, and the books from which they stole. The problem is that he only identifies the plagiarizing books by their initials, which makes identifying them quite hard.

Today we have Otzar ha-Hokhmah which makes spotting plagiarism easier. Let me share with you one example. I am a long time reader of the journal Or Torah, which is where so many of R. Meir Mazuz’s writings have been published. In Tamuz 5758 an article appeared by a certain R. Daniel Weitzman. Here are the first two pages. On the second page there is something suspicious, which I don’t know if anyone other than me would take notice of. He cites R. Weinberg’s famous responsum on abortion but instead of citing it from Seridei Esh, he refers to an earlier appearance in Ha-Pardes. This sort of thing immediately sets off bells for me, since how would a rabbi in Israel in the pre-hebrewbooks.org and pre-Otzar ha-Hokhmah era have access to a thirty-year-old issue of Ha-Pardes? How would he ever come to that? In fact, if you look at the article, it seems that he doesn’t even know what Ha-Pardes is, referring to it as Pardes. The title he gives to R. Weinberg's article is also not correct and is taken from the source he plagiarized from.

 
Now compare what Weitzman wrote with what appears in R. Shmuel Hayyim Katz’s Devar Shmuel (Los Angeles, 1986).




Weitzman has not just plagiarized, but he has copied word for word from Katz. Needless to say, I was quite distressed when I saw this. Since it is rare that someone plagiarizes only once, I decided to check Weitzman’s other articles that appeared in Or Torah.

Here is an article from Tamuz 5757 (first page, but here is a link to the complete article).



This article is also plagiarized from R. Katz’s Devar Shmuel.


And here Weitzman’s article from Or Torah, Av 5758, and it too is plagiarized from R. Katz’s Devar Shmuel.

  


Here are the pages from Devar Shmuel:









With the aid of Otzar ha-Hokhmah I was able to find the following. Here is the first page of Weitzman’s article that appears in Or Torah, Heshvan 5761.


It is taken almost word for word from R. Mordechai Friedman’s Pores Mapah (Brooklyn, 1997).

 

Pores Mapah is not a well-known book (although it has much to recommend it), and having been published in the U.S. was probably hard to come by in Israel. This is the perfect sort of book for an Israeli to plagiarize from, and years ago it would have been virtually impossible for anyone to realize what had happened. Yet with Otzar ha-Hokhmah I was able to locate the plagiarism in a matter of seconds.

I think the explanation for plagiarisms like this is simply because people are greedy. They not only want that which they can achieve, but want to take from others as well. To once again cite the Gaon R. Mizrach-Etz, “a man’s got to know his limitations.”



Yet I must also note are cases of men who plagiarized in their early years but later became great Torah scholars, showing that a youthful error need not determine the course of one’s subsequent development.[11]
Sometimes, what appears to be a plagiarism has a much simpler explanation.[12] Here is a page from R. Moses Teitlebaum’s Heshiv Moshe, no. 87.


Compare this responsum with what appears in R. Abraham Bornstein, Avnei NezerHoshen MishpatLikutei Teshuvot no. 101. The responsa are basically identical except for the dates and addressee.


What is going on here? I think it is obvious that R. Bornstein had a handwritten copy of the responsum, which he presumably copied out of Heshiv Moshe, a work published in 1866. After his death the one who put together his responsa did not realize that this was a responsum of R. Moses Teitelbaum, so he published it adding Bornstein’s signature and a new date. He also assumed that when the original responsum referred to the questioner as ש"נ it meant שינאווי when in fact it means שיאיר נרו or שיחיה נצח. Furthermore, in the original responsum it states דבר זה מתורת משה ילמדני which is an allusion to the one being asked the question, R. Moses Teitelbaum. Yet this was overlooked when the responsum was included in the Avnei Nezer.

Here is another example of what has been alleged to be plagiarism.[13] It is a passage from the Beur Halakhah, 494, s.v. מבחודש השלישי.

 
Now look at the Shulhan Arukh ha-Rav, 494:8-11, and you can see that it has been copied word for word, even though at the end of the Beur Halakhah it states: זהו תמצית דברי האחרונים

 

What to make of this? One of the commenters on the site that calls attention to this text sees here an indication that the Hafetz Hayyim’s son was also involved in the writing of the Mishnah Berurah (as he claimed), since the Hafetz Hayyim himself would not do such a thing. Yet matters are more complicated than this, as there are also other places where the Mishnah Berurah copies word for word from the Shulhan Arukh ha-Rav (and presumably from others sources as well).[14] Are we to assume that these were all inserted by his son?

It appears that the Hafetz Hayyim’s conception of what was proper in using earlier sources differed from what is accepted today, much like standards were also different in medieval times. Furthermore, since the Hafetz Hayyim writes זהו תמצית דברי האחרונים, even from a contemporary perspective we are not dealing with plagiarism. But the question is – and I don’t have the answer – why in some places the Hafetz Hayyim did not indicate when he was taking material from the Shulhan Arukh ha-Rav. He does mention in the introduction that the Shulhan Arukh ha-Rav is one of the sources from which his own commentary derives its material, and he constantly refers to it, so why in this case is there no indication of his source? Maybe one of the readers can answer if the Shulhan Arukh ha-Rav is unusual in this regard, or if this is done with other sources as well. As far as I know, we don’t yet have an edition of the Mishnah Berurah that provides all the sources used in the text.

2. In Ha-Ma’ayan, Tishrei 5771 and Tevet 5771 there are articles on the idea of “Halakhic Paradox” by R. Michael Avraham and R. Meir Bareli. You can see Ha-Ma’ayan online here.

Here is another halakhic paradox that I found in the journal Ohel Yitzhak, Sivan 5668, p. 4b. Take a look at R. Menahem Ratner’s second question. I tried to actually put what he is asking into English but was unsuccessful as my mind kept going in circles. As with all such cases, and one immediately thinks of Zeno’s paradoxes, the problem is to determine if we are indeed dealing with a real paradox or if the paradox is only apparent. So I ask those readers who want to try to get their head around what Ratner is saying, is this a real paradox or is he missing something?




3. In the past few years there were many topics I wanted to get to, but simply didn’t have the time. These matters are not much in the news now so I won’t discuss them in detail as I had originally hoped to. However, I will make a few comments as I think readers will still find the topics of interest.

Let’s start with the commentary of the Malbim on Kohelet that was published in 2008. Here is the title page.



Understandably, there was much excitement when this book appeared since it is quite an event when an unknown commentary of such a major figure is discovered. However, the excitement was short-lived, as it soon became known that the commentary was not by the Malbim but by a nineteenth-century maskil, Jonah Bardah. Even more embarrassing for the publisher, Machon Oz ve-Hadar, is that Bardah’s commentary even appeared in print in 1850. Here are the title pages.


 

This would be bad no matter who the publisher was, but the fact that Machon Oz ve-Hadar is from New Square, which is as far removed from Haskalah imaginable, makes the mistake drip with irony.

How did such a blunder happen? Today, it seems that everyone is looking for unknown material to publish. There are a number of journals that devote a good deal of space to this, and I often wonder what will happen when we run out of unpublished documents. With this mindset you can imagine how excited the publisher was when he was informed that someone had located a previously unknown commentary by the Malbim. The assumption that this was the Malbim’s text was due to the similarity between the method of commentary in the newly discovered work and other commentaries of the Malbim. Without careful examination, the Kohelet commentary was published and this would in turn lead to great embarrassment, not to mention a lot of wasted time and money.

The story of this mistake is found in a document entitled Sheker Soferim. Here is the title page.


(A softened version of this article appeared in Yeshurun 25 [2011], pp. 624ff., and there the author’s name is revealed: R. Avraham Yeshaya Zecharish.[15]) This is really a damning document as it shows that the publisher had already been told that the handwriting of the commentary was not that of Malbim. I am not going to say that the publisher knowingly printed a fraud in order to profit by the Malbim’s name. But I think it is obvious that that the publisher’s great desire to publish the work caused him ignore what he had been told and to instead rely on his own “experts.” Whoever edited the work also showed his (their?) ignorance, since when the commentary referred to רמבמ"ן , not knowing that this referred to Mendelssohn the text was “corrected” to read רמב"ן!

Despite my sense that there was no intentional fraudulence in this publication, I don’t entirely discount the possibility that the publisher knew the commentary was not by Malbim but printed it anyway. I say this because as shown in Sheker Soferim there is one passage in the commentary where the “Malbim” claims that there is a mistake in the biblical text. The editors censored this passage, and this to be expected as from a haredi perspective such a comment is heretical. But if so, could the publisher actually believe that the Malbim wrote that which was censored?

Lest people think that things like this don’t have real effects in the world, let me just note that, as pointed out by Eliezer Brodt, an entire chapter of a doctoral dissertation is devoted to the false Malbim commentary on Kohelet.[16] Just think of how many hours were devoted to this dissertation chapter, all of which were wasted.

While Zecharish points to various “problematic” elements of the commentary that the publisher should have been aware of, he misses one right on the first page.


The notes at the bottom of the page are found in the original manuscript and publication. Here is the page.


In the commentary to the first verse the “Malbim” explains how the beginning of biblical books, where the author is introduced, is written by a later person.

.ואדמה כי לא יטעה כל משכיל לחשוב אשר המחבר בעצמו דיבר אלה הדברים

In the note the “Malbim” adds:

.עיין בהראב"ע בהתחלת ספר דברים

The beginning of Deuteronomy states: “These are the words which Moses spoke unto all Israel beyond the Jordan.” Upon these words Ibn Ezra introduces his “secret of the twelve” which focuses on post-Mosaic additions to the Torah. It is incredible that while the "Malbim's" intention is crystal clear, namely, that the beginning of Deuteronomy was written after Moses, the editors didn’t catch this and see anything problematic in the comment, a comment that would never have been made by the Malbim.[17]

------

[1] See here. For former French Chief Rabbi Gilles Bernheim’s plagiarism, see the statement in First Things available here.

I think this sentence, from the article, is particularly apt:
One of the perversions of our era is to make a god of intellectual property. Most commentators described Bernheim as “stealing” words and sentences. This is wrongheaded. Plagiarism is a sin against truth, not property. It’s first and foremost a kind of lying, not a kind of stealing. He violated our trust by speaking in a voice that was not his own, which is why in this and other cases of plagiarism the writer loses intellectual and moral authority broadly.
The importance of our spiritual leaders speaking the truth cannot be stressed enough. R. Kook writes about how forces of heresy were strengthened when people saw unethical behavior among בעלי תורה ואמונה. See Eder ha-Yekar, p. 43.

R. Joseph Ibn Caspi explains at length how a prophet, who models himself on God who is called א-ל האמת, always speaks the truth, even when speaking to his wife and children (!). See Shulhan ha-Kesef, ed. Kasher (Jerusalem, 1996), pp. 146, 163. This is so important to Ibn Caspi that he deals with a number of biblical examples where it appears that a prophet did not speak truthfully, and he argues that the meaning is not what appears at first glance. The one case where he acknowledges that we are dealing with a lie is Jacob telling Isaac, “I am Esau your firstborn” (Gen 27:19). Yet this does not affect Ibn Caspi’s thesis because he claims, p. 150, that when Jacob told this lie he was not yet a prophet.

.הנה כחש אבל עדין לא הגיע למדרגת הנבואה עד היותו בדרך חרן וראה הסולם

After his discussion about prophets and how they were always truthful, Ibn Caspi concludes, p. 163, that this is also how a חכם should behave. Our rabbis now stand in place of the prophets of old, thus they too much be paragons of truth.

With regard to Ibn Caspi’s Shulhan ha-Kesef, I would like to make one further point. In a previous post, see here, I discussed how, according to Ibn Caspi, the Torah contains statements that are not actually true, but were believed as such by the ancients. We see another example of this in Shulhan Kesef, p. 147, where he writes, in seeking to explain an example where it appears a prophet lied:

.כי הנביא שם משותף וכבר הרחיב הכתוב ואמר "חנניה הנביא" בסתם

What Ibn Caspi is saying is that even though the Bible refers to someone as a prophet, this doesn’t mean he was really a prophet. It could be that he is referred to as such because this is what the people believed, even though the people were incorrect. In other words, the Bible incorporates the incorrect view of the people in its narrative. The proof he brings is from Jeremiah 28 where Hananiah is referred to as a prophet but in reality he was a fraud.
[2] See most recently Shmuel Ashkenazi, “Ha-Gonev min ha-Sefer,” Yeshurun 25 (2011), pp. 675-690.
[3] See here.
[4] See e.g., Bekhorot 31b, Menahot 93b; R. Moses Zweig, Ohel Moshe, vol. 1, no. 41. The fact that the Sages had this problem in their own day is probably also why they stressed the importance of proper attribution. This is pointed out by R. Nathan Neta Olevski, Hayei Olam Nata (Jerusalem,1995), p. 241:

מזה נראה כי גם בימיהם כבר פשתה המספחת להתגדר בגנבי גנובי את תורת אחרים ולכן ראו חז"ל להגדיל ערך המשתמר מזה ולחשוב דבר זה בין המ"ח דברים שהתורה נקנית בהן

[5] See e.g., R. Yekutiel Yehudah Greenwald, Mekorot le-Korot Yisrael (n.p., 1934), p. 48.
[6] See e.g., Nahum Rakover, Zekhut ha-Yotzrim bi-Mekorot ha-Yehudi’im (Jerusalem, 1991), pp. 38ff.
[7] Otzrot ha-Sofer 14 (5764), p. 91:

.זה אני מוחל לכם אם אתם אומרים חידושיי בשמכם, אבל אם אתם אומרים חידושים שלכם בשמי זה אינני מוחל לכם

For a communal rabbi, who was expected to prepare his own derashot, it was unacceptable to inform his listeners that he was using material from others. However, R. Asher Anshel Yehudah Miller, Olamo shel Abba (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 187, reported one tongue-in-cheek justification of this practice if due to circumstances beyond his control the rabbi was unable to properly prepare for his Shabbat ha-Gadol derashah. Since the Talmud, Pesahim 6a, states שואלין ודורשין בהלכות פסח, one can derive from this that מותר "לשאול" מאחרים בשעת הדחק ולדרוש בהלכות פסח
[8] I mention geneivat da’at, yet according to some one who plagiarizes actually violates the prohibition against actual geneivah. See R. Yaakov Avraham Cohen, Emek ha-Mishpat, vol. 4, nos. 2, 24; R. Yaakov Hayyim Sofer, Hadar Yaakov, vol. 5, no. 38. R. Isaiah Horowitz, Shenei Luhot ha-BeritMasekhet Shevuot, no. 71, writes about plagiarism:  יותר גזילה מגזילת ממון

R. Eleazar Kalir states that the plagiarizer violates a positive commandment. See Havot Yair (Vilna, 1912; printed as the second part of the Malbim’s Eretz Hemdah), p. 26a:

ואומרים חידושי תורה מה שלא עמלו בו רק מפי השמועה שמעו ואומרים משמיה דנפשם ועוברים על עשה . . . שכך אמרו כל האומר דבר בשם אומרו מביא גאולה לעולם

See also the very harsh comments of R. Joseph Hayyim David Azulai in his Berit Olam to Sefer Hasidim, no. 224, which should be enough to scare away at least some of the plagiarizers:

אם כותב ספר וגנב תורת אחרים . . . בחצי ימיו יעזבנו ואחריתו יבא בגלגול אחר ויהיה נבל ויהיה מזולזל כי נבל הוא ונבלה עמו. רחמנא ליצלן

[9] Robert Klein called my attention to the final part of R. Solomon Ephraim Luntshitz’s introduction to his Keli Yekar, where he suspects that some of the commentators who preceded him were guilty of plagiarism. See also his Olelot Ephraim, at the end of the introduction, where he claims that all the plagiarisms are delaying the arrival of the Messiah. He plays on the verse עשות ספרים הרבה אין קץ  and explains that since so many new books are full of plagiarisms, עשיית ספרים הרבה גורם איחור קץ הימים.

R. Solomon Alkabetz, Manot ha-Levi (Lvov, 1911), p. 91b, also refers to the plagiarizers of his day. I called attention to R. Eliyahu Schlesinger’s plagiarism in my review of Avi Sagi’s and Zvi Zohar’s book on conversion, available here. See p. 9 n. 29. See also my post from June 25, 2010, available here, where I cite another case of plagiarism from Schlesinger. I found these examples by chance, and I am sure that if I were to carefully examine the latter’s writings I would come up with more. Yet there doesn’t seem to be much point in doing so, since in the haredi world there simply is no accountability in matters like this.

A number of scholars have discussed plagiarism with regard to Abarbanel, and I hope to return to this. For now, let me just note the following. In his introduction to Trei Asar, p. 13, Abarbanel explicitly denies that he plagiarized, while at the same time accusing R. David Kimhi of doing so.

שהמובחרים והטובים מהפירושים שזכר רבי דוד קמחי מדבר [!] הראב"ע לקחה [!], עם היות שלא זכרם בשמו ואני איחס כל דבר לאומרו פן אהיה ממגנבי דברים

At the end of his commentary to Amos, he repeats the accusation:

ומה שפירש עוד בהלא כבני כושיים בשם אביו הנה הוא לקוח מדברי הרב רבי אברהם בן עזרא ומה לו לגנוב דברים

See R. Dovberish Tursch, Moznei Tzedek (Warsaw, 1905), p. 195; Abraham Lipshitz, Pirkei Iyun be-Mishnat Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra (Jerusalem, 1982), p. 131.
[10] It is hard to take this explanation seriously. Talking during the repetition of the Amidah has always been common, yet rather than omit mention of this matter, the Shulhan ArukhOrah Hayyim 124:6, writes:

לא ישיח שיחת חולין בשעה שש"צ חוזר התפלה ואם שח הוא חוטא וגדול עונו מנשוא וגוערים בו

R. Zvi Yehudah Kook reported that his grandfather, R. Shlomo Zalman Kook, once strongly rebuked someone for talking during the repetition of the Amidah. When it was pointed out to him that דברי חכמים בנחת נשמעים, he replied that the Shulhan Arukh uses the word גוערים and that does not mean a gentle suggestion but a sharp rebuke. See R. Yair Uriel, Be-Shipulei ha-Gelimah (n.p., 2012), p. 32. (The story immediately following this one is also of interest. It records that R. Zvi Yehudah opposed the common practice [at least in America] of singing אשמנו בגדנו:

יש לומר את הדברים ברצינות, בצער ובכאב, ולא מתאימה לזה שירה 

It seems that R. Abraham Isaac Kook followed in the path of his father. See ibid., pp. 58-59, for the famous story of how R. Kook, while rav in Bausk, once slapped a “macher” in the face when he insulted R. Zelig Reuven Bengis. (The story is told in great detail in R. Moshe Zvi Neriyah, Sihot ha-Re’iyah [Tel Aviv, 1979], ch. 22.) R. Kook later explained that he did not slap the man in a fit of anger, but was of completely sound mind and did it in order to follow the Sages’ prescription of how to respond to one who degrades a Torah scholar:

"וכך אמר: "דינא הכי, מי ששומע זילותא של צורבא מרבנן צריך למחות

All I would say is that one must be careful with who one slaps. R. Yekutiel Yehudah Greenwald, Li-Felagot Yisrael be-Ungaryah (Deva, 1929), p. 25, records a story from mid-eighteenth-century Hungary where in the synagogue and in front of the congregation the head of the community slapped the rabbi in the face. This was the last straw for the rabbi (who was really a phony), and he, his wife, and children converted to Christianity.

R. Naphtali Zvi Judah Berlin would occasionally slap a student in the face. On one occasion it even led to a noisy protest by the students. Because the students refused to back down, the Netziv unable able to deliver his shiur. This led to him making a public apology to the students, which they happily accepted. See M. Eisenstadt, “Revolutzyah bi-‘Yeshivah,’” Ha-Tzefirah, June 2, 1916, pp. 1-2 (referred to by Shaul Stampfer, Lithuanian Yeshivas of the Ninteenth Century [Oxford, 2012], p. 113).

Since we are on the subject of slapping in the face, and since I mentioned R. Yitzhak Zilberstein in my last post, here is something else from his Hashukei Hemed on Bava Kamma, pp. 492-493.

 

I think it is quite interesting that he takes it as a given that policemen in Israel will beat thieves until they confess. Is there any truth to this at all? He himself thinks it is good that thieves be given a good slap in the face.

There are many more examples I could cite of people being slapped in the face, including by rabbis. One thing that is clear is that face-slapping has gone out of style.. It is like fainting, which was common in old movies. But when was the last time you saw a woman faint? It just doesn’t happen anymore.

Returning to R. Bengis, it is noteworthy that he and R. Kook were great friends from their days in Volozhin.  See the booklet Or Reuven (Jerusalem, 2011), which is devoted to their relationship R. Bengis’ letters to R. Kook in Iggerot la-Rei’yah show that he regarded R. Kook as rav of Jerusalem and chief rabbi of the Land of Israel. Only after R. Kook’s death did R. Bengis become Rosh Av Beit Din of the Edah Haredit in Jerusalem. His life-long admiration for R. Kook, even in his new position with the Edah Haredit, is, of course, not usually mentioned in haredi discussions of him. Since in the past I have criticized Yeshurun for its conscious distortions (all in the service of the haredi cause), let me now praise it for including the following in vol. 12 (2003), p. 156 n. 35.


Rabbi Nathan Kamenetsky, Making of a Godol, pp. 305-306, reports in the name of R. Yosef Buxbaum that R. Bengis knew the poetry of Pushkin. (He also quotes a report that R. Bengis did not know Russian and when tested by a government official to ensure that secular studies were being taught in Volozhin, he just repeated the page of Pushkin from memory which he had prepared ahead of time by having another student read it for him. This strikes me as an apologetic attempt to “kasher” R. Bengis, as followers of the Edah Haredit will not take kindly to the knowledge that R. Bengis knew Russian poetry.)

For a recent discussion of R. Bengis and his brother, who went by the name of “Ben Da’at”, see here.

According to an unpublished collection of Brisker stories in my possession, R. Velvel Soloveitchik said about R. Bengis that just because one is a great talmid hakham does not mean that he is also a leader. Perhaps R. Velvel had this view of R. Bengis because the latter’s extremist credentials left something to be desired.
[11] Marvin J. Heller, Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden and Boston, 2008), p. 204, writes as follows about R. David Lida: “I would suggest, and this is highly speculative and certainly not a justification, that Lida’s acts of literary piracy were youthful improprieties, albeit of a most serious nature. A young man, inexperienced, perhaps immature, from whom much was expected, hoping to impress others and to further a burgeoning career, erred and claimed authorship of works he had not written, but rather discovered in manuscript.”
[12] The following example, with some of the explanations I give, is found here.
[13] This too was noted here.
[14] In a comment to my last post, someone wrote:
"The part about Anshei Keneset ha-Gedolah requiring the Amidah to be recited twice a day and that women are also obligated in this is not from Nahmanides. This is the Mishnah Berurah speaking.”
Actually, these are the words of the Shulchan Aruch HaRav (או"ח קו,ב), quoted here verbatim.
This practice of the MB citing whole paragraphs from the SAH - without attributing the author - is common throughout the his work, in leads many times to run-on sentences and disambiguation such as the one at hand.
[15] See also the online discussion here.
[16] “Ha-Sinonomyah bi-Leshon ha-Mikra al Pi Shitat Malbim,” (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Bar Ilan University, 2009).
[17] See here where I mention how R. Yosef Reinman also didn’t know anything about Ibn Ezra’s “critical” views. In the post I also discuss the controversy regarding Reinman co-authoring a book with a Reform rabbi. In the introduction to his Avir Yosef (Lakewood, 2008), Reinman defends himself.
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